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Full Version: 'Arrogant' CIA Disobeys Orders in Viet Nam by Richard Starnes, Washington Daily News, October 2, 1963
The Education Forum > Controversial Issues in History > JFK Assassination Debate
Pages: 1, 2, 3
Paul Rigby
“The most important consequence of the Cold War remains the least discussed. How and why American democracy died lies beyond the scope of this introductory essay. It is enough to note that the CIA revolt against the presidency of John Fitzgerald Kennedy – the single event which did more than any other to hasten its end – was, quite contrary to over forty years of censorship and deceit, both publicly anticipated and publicly opposed.

No American journalist worked more bravely to thwart the anticipated revolt than Scripps-Howard’s Richard Starnes. His ‘reward’ was effectively to become a non-person, not just in the work of mainstream fellow-journalists and historians, but also that of nominally oppositional Kennedy assassination writers. It could have been worse: John J. McCone, Director of Central Intelligence, sought his instant dismissal; while others within the agency doubtless had more drastic punishment in mind, almost certainly of the kind meted out to CBS’ George Polk fifteen years earlier.

This time, shrewder agency minds prevailed. Senator Dodd was given a speech to read by the CIA denouncing Starnes in everything but name. William F. Buckley, Jr., suddenly occupied an adjacent column. In short, Starnes was allowed to live, even as his Scripps-Howard career was put under overt and intense CIA scrutiny - and quietly, systematically, withered on the Mockingbird vine.”

From “Light on a Dry Shadow,” the preface to ‘Arrogant’ CIA: The Selected Scripps-Howard Journalism of Richard T. Starnes, 1960-1965 (provisionally scheduled for self-publication in November 2006).

As far as I am aware, the remarkable example below of what Claud Cockburn called “preventative journalism” has never appeared in its entirety anywhere on the internet. Instead, readers have had to make do with the next-day riposte of the NYT’s Arthur Krock. The latter, it should be noted, was a veteran CIA-mouthpiece and messenger boy.

Dick Starnes was 85 on July 4, 2006. He remains, in bucolic retirement, a wonderfully fluent and witty writer; and as good a friend as any Englishman could wish for.

I dedicate the despatch’s web debut to Judy Mann, in affectionate remembrance.

The Washington Daily News, Wednesday, October 2, 1963, p.3

'SPOOKS' MAKE LIFE MISERABLE FOR AMBASSADOR LODGE

'Arrogant' CIA Disobeys Orders in Viet Nam

SAIGON, Oct.2 - The story of the Central Intelligence Agency's role in South Viet Nam is a dismal chronicle of bureaucratic arrogance, obstinate disregard of orders, and unrestrained thirst for power.

Twice the CIA flatly refused to carry out instructions from Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, according to a high United States source here.

In one of these instances the CIA frustrated a plan of action Mr. Lodge brought with him from Washington because the agency disagreed with it.

This led to a dramatic confrontation between Mr. Lodge and John Richardson, chief of the huge CIA apparatus here. Mr. Lodge failed to move Mr. Richardson, and the dispute was bucked back to Washington. Secretary of State Dean Rusk and CIA Chief John A. McCone were unable to resolve the conflict, and the matter is now reported to be awaiting settlement by President Kennedy.

It is one of the developments expected to be covered in Defense Secretary Robert McNamara's report to Mr. Kennedy.

Others Critical, Too

Other American agencies here are incredibly bitter about the CIA.

"If the United States ever experiences a 'Seven Days in May' it will come from the CIA, and not from the Pentagon," one U.S. official commented caustically.

("Seven Days in May" is a fictional account of an attempted military coup to take over the U.S. Government.)

CIA "spooks" (a universal term for secret agents here) have penetrated every branch of the American community in Saigon, until non-spook Americans here almost seem to be suffering a CIA psychosis.

An American field officer with a distinguished combat career speaks angrily about "that man at headquarters in Saigon wearing a colonel's uniform." He means the man is a CIA agent, and he can't understand what he is doing at U.S. military headquarters here, unless it is spying on other Americans.

Another American officer, talking about the CIA, acidly commented: "You'd think they'd have learned something from Cuba but apparently they didn't."

Few Know CIA Strength

Few people other than Mr. Richardson and his close aides know the actual CIA strength here, but a widely used figure is 600. Many are clandestine agents known only to a few of their fellow spooks.

Even Mr. Richardson is a man about whom it is difficult to learn much in Saigon. He is said to be a former OSS officer, and to have served with distinction in the CIA in the Philippines.

A surprising number of the spooks are known to be involved in their ghostly trade and some make no secret of it.

"There are a number of spooks in the U.S. Information Service, in the U.S. Operations mission, in every aspect of American official and commercial life here, " one official - presumably a non-spook - said.

"They represent a tremendous power and total unaccountability to anyone," he added.

Coupled with the ubiquitous secret police of Ngo Dinh Nhu, a surfeit of spooks has given Saigon an oppressive police state atmosphere.

The Nhu-Richardson relationship is a subject of lively speculation. The CIA continues to pay the special forces which conducted brutal raids on Buddhist temples last Aug. 21, altho in fairness it should be pointed out that the CIA is paying these goons for the war against communist guerillas, not Buddhist bonzes (priests).

Hand Over Millions

Nevertheless, on the first of every month, the CIA dutifully hands over a quarter million American dollars to pay these special forces.

Whatever else it buys, it doesn't buy any solid information on what the special forces are up to. The Aug. 21 raids caught top U.S. officials here and in Washington flat-footed.

Nhu ordered the special forces to crush the Buddhist priests, but the CIA wasn't let in on the secret. (Some CIA button men now say they warned their superiors what was coming up, but in any event the warning of harsh repression was never passed to top officials here or in Washington.)

Consequently, Washington reacted unsurely to the crisis. Top officials here and at home were outraged at the news the CIA was paying the temple raiders, but the CIA continued the payments.

It may not be a direct subsidy for a religious war against the country's Buddhist majority, but it comes close to that.

And for every State Department aide here who will tell you, "Dammit, the CIA is supposed to gather information, not make policy, but policy-making is what they're doing here," there are military officers who scream over the way the spooks dabble in military operations.

A Typical Example

For example, highly trained trail watchers are an important part of the effort to end Viet Cong infiltration from across the Laos and Cambodia borders. But if the trailer watchers spot incoming Viet Congs, they report it to the CIA in Saigon, and in the fullness of time, the spooks may tell the military.

One very high American official here, a man who has spent much of his life in the service of democracy, likened the CIA's growth to a malignancy, and added he was not sure even the White House could control it any longer.

Unquestionably Mr. McNamara and Gen. Maxwell Taylor both got an earful from people who are beginning to fear the CIA is becoming a Third Force co-equal with President Diem's regime and the U.S. Government - and answerable to neither.

There is naturally the highest interest here as to whether Mr. McNamara will persuade Mr. Kennedy something ought to be done about it.
Cliff Varnell
This is fantastic Paul, much thanks for the posting!

Here's a link to the Krock article, "The Intra-Administration War in Vietnam":

http://home.earthlink.net/~jkelin1/krock.html

I am convinced that the "very high American official...who has spent much of
his life in the service of democracy" was CJCS Gen. Maxwell Taylor himself, who
was in Saigon with McNamara in the days preceding the publication of Starnes
article.

Who else "on the scene" fits the description? Not McNamara. Not Lodge.

The top American military man in Vietnam in '63 was the commanding general
of the U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), Gen. Paul D. Harkins.
Although Harkins fits the description of a "very high American official...who has
spent much of his life in the service of democracy," the reference to the movie
SEVEN DAYS IN MAY seems to reflect a States-side sensibility and insight.
Harkins had been in Saigon almost 20 months at that point.

Also very intriguing is the reference to the CIA colonel, who sounds a lot like
Lucien Conein

Starnes was the 1962 Ernie Pyle Award winner, which goes to America's top
journalist in the fields of the military and foreign policy.

Any chance of contacting Mr. Starnes?
Nathaniel Heidenheimer
Thanks for that article. Fascinating!

In a weird way it reminds us how NEW the CIA was. Today you would never see an article like this that distinguishes so stongly between the CIA and the regular military. But the CIA was only created in 1947. It was like a brash teen after a childhood of free reign under Ike. Because of its relative youth Kennedy may have felt that he could control it, a feeling that no president would have today.

We know Kennedy wasn't the only one who thought the CIA was going beyond its charter. What's surprising is how strongly this sentiment is expressed in a newspaper article!
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Cliff Varnell @ Jul 27 2006, 11:54 PM) *
This is fantastic Paul, much thanks for the posting!

Here's a link to the Krock article, "The Intra-Administration War in Vietnam":

http://home.earthlink.net/~jkelin1/krock.html

I am convinced that the "very high American official...who has spent much of
his life in the service of democracy" was CJCS Gen. Maxwell Taylor himself, who
was in Saigon with McNamara in the days preceding the publication of Starnes
article.

Who else "on the scene" fits the description? Not McNamara. Not Lodge.

The top American military man in Vietnam in '63 was the commanding general
of the U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), Gen. Paul D. Harkins.
Although Harkins fits the description of a "very high American official...who has
spent much of his life in the service of democracy," the reference to the movie
SEVEN DAYS IN MAY seems to reflect a States-side sensibility and insight.
Harkins had been in Saigon almost 20 months at that point.

Also very intriguing is the reference to the CIA colonel, who sounds a lot like
Lucien Conein

Starnes was the 1962 Ernie Pyle Award winner, which goes to America's top
journalist in the fields of the military and foreign policy.

Any chance of contacting Mr. Starnes?


Cliff,

I follow your train of reasoning regarding the identity of Starnes' major source, and can't fault its logic. I do, however, rather prefer Harriman or a member of his circle. I have no evidence for that conclusion other than the Laotian precedent, to which I'll return at a later date.

Many moons ago, when I first contacted Dick, I asked the obvious, inevitable question about the identity of his high-ranking source. His reply was polite, and to the point. I paraphrase: I promised not to, and I won't, ever. Had I been a better researcher, I might - should - have revisited the issue. But I wasn't, and I've so enjoyed the resultant friendship that I leave that task to others.

I will certainly contact him for you and let you know the upshot.



QUOTE (Nathaniel Heidenheimer @ Jul 28 2006, 12:16 AM) *
Thanks for that article. Fascinating!

In a weird way it reminds us how NEW the CIA was. Today you would never see an article like this that distinguishes so stongly between the CIA and the regular military. But the CIA was only created in 1947. It was like a brash teen after a childhood of free reign under Ike. Because of its relative youth Kennedy may have felt that he could control it, a feeling that no president would have today.

We know Kennedy wasn't the only one who thought the CIA was going beyond its charter. What's surprising is how strongly this sentiment is expressed in a newspaper article!


Nathaniel,

You're right, the timidity of today's reportage is depressing and contemptible! It would interesting to see a thread that offered as much possible on the extent of Kennedy's attempts to curtail and control the CIA. I have the distinct feeling we have only scratched the surface so far.
Cliff Varnell
QUOTE
Cliff,

I follow your train of reasoning regarding the identity of Starnes' major source, and can't fault its logic. I do, however, rather prefer Harriman or a member of his circle. I have no evidence for that conclusion other than the Laotian precedent, to which I'll return at a later date.

Many moons ago, when I first contacted Dick, I asked the obvious, inevitable question about the identity of his high-ranking source. His reply was polite, and to the point. I paraphrase: I promised not to, and I won't, ever. Had I been a better researcher, I might - should - have revisited the issue. But I wasn't, and I've so enjoyed the resultant friendship that I leave that task to others.

I will certainly contact him for you and let you know the upshot.



Paul, you are a GREAT researcher!

There is no need to ask Mr. Starnes a question he cannot answer -- I think
all the answers are in his article.

For years I have speculated that the "very high American official...who has
spent much of his life in the service of democracy" HAD to be CJCS Taylor.

I was wrong. Ah, the hubris of unfounded certainty.

Now I'm 100% sure it was the Boston-born Harkins. huh.gif

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_D._Harkins

Reading Mr. Starnes original article is relevatory. HUGE.

I agree with you that W. Averill Harriman was behind this leak, and I will
so speculate along those lines.

I posit the Boston-born Henry Cabot Lodge was one of Starnes MANY
anonymous sources, along with Gen. Harkins. I think Lodge and all the
other anonymous "officials" and "officers" were using the same playbook
sent in by Harriman to Lodge by way of Boston-born McGeorge Bundy.

The Yankees were cutting the Cowboys off at the pass.

More discussion to follow. Much more.

Please send my regards to Mr. Starnes -- any chance he'd join the Forum?
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Cliff Varnell @ Jul 28 2006, 11:05 AM) *
QUOTE


Cliff,

I follow your train of reasoning regarding the identity of Starnes' major source, and can't fault its logic. I do, however, rather prefer Harriman or a member of his circle. I have no evidence for that conclusion other than the Laotian precedent, to which I'll return at a later date.

Many moons ago, when I first contacted Dick, I asked the obvious, inevitable question about the identity of his high-ranking source. His reply was polite, and to the point. I paraphrase: I promised not to, and I won't, ever. Had I been a better researcher, I might - should - have revisited the issue. But I wasn't, and I've so enjoyed the resultant friendship that I leave that task to others.

I will certainly contact him for you and let you know the upshot.



Paul, you are a GREAT researcher!

There is no need to ask Mr. Starnes a question he cannot answer -- I think
all the answers are in his article.

For years I have speculated that the "very high American official...who has
spent much of his life in the service of democracy" HAD to be CJCS Taylor.

I was wrong. Ah, the hubris of unfounded certainty.

Now I'm 100% sure it was the Boston-born Harkins. :huh:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_D._Harkins

Reading Mr. Starnes original article is relevatory. HUGE.

I agree with you that W. Averill Harriman was behind this leak, and I will
so speculate along those lines.

I posit the Boston-born Henry Cabot Lodge was one of Starnes MANY
anonymous sources, along with Gen. Harkins. I think Lodge and all the
other anonymous "officials" and "officers" were using the same playbook
sent in by Harriman to Lodge by way of Boston-born McGeorge Bundy.

The Yankees were cutting the Cowboys off at the pass.

More discussion to follow. Much more.

Please send my regards to Mr. Starnes -- any chance he'd join the Forum?


Cliff,

I wish could offer certainty on the subject of who told what to whom and when. I know precious little about Harkins, other than that he a) is much maligned; and b) seems to have taken the US constitution seriously. (You know, those trivial bits about the status of the Presidency and treason.) I find it impossible not to speculate that a) is a direct consequence of b). The history of the period has, after all, been written by the winners.

If you have anything on Harkins that might shed light on the matter, please enlighten me.

As I mentioned earlier, Harriman has long seemed to me the obvious candidate because of his work on the Laos settlement in 1962. Seemingly alone of JFK's senior people, here was a hard-nosed political and bureaucratic infighter who was not afraid to take on the Agency, hitting it hard and repeatedly. In class-obsessed elite America, he had the money, social status and connections to pull rank and not fear the consequences: Angleton never made Skull and Bones, and had to rest content with smearing Harriman as a Sov agent.

Did Starnes know Harriman? Highly likely, as H. was Governor of New York for a large part of the period that Starnes was managing editor of the New York World-Telegram & Sun. I've looked at six years-worth of Starnes' journalistic output, but all of the years fall outside of Harriman's tenure as Governor. Perhaps a study of the years 1955-1958 would yield clues. There are none that I've observed in the period 1960-1965, save one.
Cliff Varnell
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Jul 28 2006, 12:58 PM) *
QUOTE (Cliff Varnell @ Jul 28 2006, 11:05 AM) *

QUOTE


Cliff,

I follow your train of reasoning regarding the identity of Starnes' major source, and can't fault its logic. I do, however, rather prefer Harriman or a member of his circle. I have no evidence for that conclusion other than the Laotian precedent, to which I'll return at a later date.

Many moons ago, when I first contacted Dick, I asked the obvious, inevitable question about the identity of his high-ranking source. His reply was polite, and to the point. I paraphrase: I promised not to, and I won't, ever. Had I been a better researcher, I might - should - have revisited the issue. But I wasn't, and I've so enjoyed the resultant friendship that I leave that task to others.

I will certainly contact him for you and let you know the upshot.



Paul, you are a GREAT researcher!

There is no need to ask Mr. Starnes a question he cannot answer -- I think
all the answers are in his article.

For years I have speculated that the "very high American official...who has
spent much of his life in the service of democracy" HAD to be CJCS Taylor.

I was wrong. Ah, the hubris of unfounded certainty.

Now I'm 100% sure it was the Boston-born Harkins. huh.gif

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_D._Harkins

Reading Mr. Starnes original article is relevatory. HUGE.

I agree with you that W. Averill Harriman was behind this leak, and I will
so speculate along those lines.

I posit the Boston-born Henry Cabot Lodge was one of Starnes MANY
anonymous sources, along with Gen. Harkins. I think Lodge and all the
other anonymous "officials" and "officers" were using the same playbook
sent in by Harriman to Lodge by way of Boston-born McGeorge Bundy.

The Yankees were cutting the Cowboys off at the pass.

More discussion to follow. Much more.

Please send my regards to Mr. Starnes -- any chance he'd join the Forum?


Cliff,

I wish could offer certainty on the subject of who told what to whom and when. I know precious little about Harkins, other than that he a) is much maligned; and cool.gif seems to have taken the US constitution seriously. (You know, those trivial bits about the status of the Presidency and treason.) I find it impossible not to speculate that a) is a direct consequence of cool.gif. The history of the period has, after all, been written by the winners.

If you have anything on Harkins that might shed light on the matter, please enlighten me.

As I mentioned earlier, Harriman has long seemed to me the obvious candidate because of his work on the Laos settlement in 1962. Seemingly alone of JFK's senior people, here was a hard-nosed political and bureaucratic infighter who was not afraid to take on the Agency, hitting it hard and repeatedly. In class-obsessed elite America, he had the money, social status and connections to pull rank and not fear the consequences: Angleton never made Skull and Bones, and had to rest content with smearing Harriman as a Sov agent.

Did Starnes know Harriman? Highly likely, as H. was Governor of New York for a large part of the period that Starnes was managing editor of the New York World-Telegram & Sun. I've looked at six years-worth of Starnes' journalistic output, but all of the years fall outside of Harriman's tenure as Governor. Perhaps a study of the years 1955-1958 would yield clues. There are none that I've observed in the period 1960-1965, save one.


Paul, certainty is indeed elusive in this case, but I couldn't resist poking a little
fun at myself by saying I was "100% certain" about Harkins, after spending 7
years being "certain" it was Taylor. huh.gif

Turns out a great deal of my excitement was due to a misreading of Krock's
article. The most explosive quote, concerning a military coup coming from the
CIA and not the Pentagon, which seems to directly implicate Lansdale and Conein
in the plotting of Kennedy's downfall, was attributed by Starnes simply to "one US
official."

Here's how Krock put the most explosive quotes:

(quote on)

Among the views attributed to United States officials on the scene, including one
described as a "very high American official ... who has spent much of his life in
the service of democracy ... are the following:

The C.I.A.'s growth was "likened to a malignancy" which the "very high official was
not sure even the White House could control ... any longer." "If the United States ever
experiences [an attempt at a coup to overthrow the Government] it will come from
the C.I.A. and not the Pentagon." The agency "represents a tremendous power and
total unaccountability to anyone."

(quote off)

These are all different quotes by different guys, and the *money shot*
quote doesn't appear to have been from the "very high American...who
has spent much of his life in the service of his country," which I'd argue
described a military man.

It's a moot point to me, however.

Suffice to say we both feel that Averell Harriman was behind the incredible leaks
contained in Mr. Starnes 10/2/63 article.

No matter who said what, the reference to SEVEN DAYS IN MAY fingers CIA
men in military uniform...
Paul Rigby
Paul, certainty is indeed elusive in this case, but I couldn't resist poking a little
fun at myself by saying I was "100% certain" about Harkins, after spending 7
years being "certain" it was Taylor. :huh:

Minor error! I spent the better part of three decades believing I lived in a democracy.


Cliff,

Whether intended or not, your reply had the useful effect of making me take a closer look at any potential Starnes-Harriman link.

In a March 1962 column, Starnes revisited an old foreign assignment, a reminiscence prompted by the death of Abolghassem Kashani, “a procurer of political murder, a dedicated hater of the West, and formerly right bower to ex-President Mossadegh” (“A Precious Old Cutthroat Has Departed,” The Washington Daily News, 23 March 1962, p.23). Starnes had interviewed Kashani in the course of a mid-1951 visit to Iran.

In July 1951, according to Rudy Abramson’s biography, Spanning the Century (NY: William Morrow & Co., Inc., 1992), Averell Harriman had visited Teheran for talks with Mossadegh, an initiative the CIA appears to have striven to wreck or curtail by the timely “discovery” of an alleged assassination plot, reportedly originating in Paris among Iranian Communists, targeting Harriman. The old bruiser appears to have treated the Agency’s concoction, delivered at some unearthly hour for heightened dramatic effect, with the contempt it deserved.

The CIA had first championed Mossadegh as a useful instrument for prising British fingers from control of Iranian oil. It was no more than a bargaining move, however, the prelude to a piece of deal-cutting with MI6 that saw both collaborate on Mossadegh’s ouster. The subsequent agreement was not a restoration of the status quo ante, but instead a means of ensuring MI6/British oil interests had a stake in the new, American dispensation, and thus little incentive to engage in destabilisation work of their own.

More germanely, had the visits of reporter and presidential emissary coincided or overlapped in Teheran in 1951? Did Starnes’ despatches from Iran give evidence of Harrimanian briefings? I don’t know: I lack a detailed chron of Harriman’s career; and I’ve not seen any of Dick’s journalism from that early a period. We may safely assume the CIA investigated both with maniacal thoroughness.

All this duly noted, there remain compelling grounds for dismissing any notion of Starnes as a Harriman client.

Starnes was touring south-east Asia, Laos included, as Harriman’s pursuit of a peace deal over Laos concluded. The reporter’s initial reaction to the Geneva settlement produced some of his most uncompromising and unprepossessing Cold War boilerplate. Four of Starnes’ July 1962 despatches dwelt upon its likely import and failings. All are from the Washington Daily News versions: “Long Shot Chance in Laos,” 18 July 1962, p.31; “Big Question in Laos,” 23 July 1962, p.19; “It Has Been a Painful Lesson in Laos,” 24 July 1962, p.15; and “A Sense of Foreboding,” 28 July 1962, p.11. The latter contained the following:

“In numbed disbelief one learns that W. Averell Harriman, Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, has returned from Geneva proclaiming that the agreement on Laos is a “good” one – one that will work if Khrushchev keeps his word, as Mr. Harriman says he believes he will. Thus another fable is added to the dangerous mythology that is the foundation for much of what passes for American policy in Southeast Asia.

The Geneva agreement on Laos is of the same sorry lineage as the accord establishing (and, mark well, “policing” with an international control commission) the boundary between North and South Vietnam. To believe, as Mr. Harriman says he believes, that the Geneva agreement is good and has a chance of working, one must ignore the history of communist conquest in Indochina, and one must forsake all logic as well.”

It finished with an uncharacteristically McCarthyite/China Lobby flourish:

“Is all this artful stagecraft being done so that six months or a year hence, when Laos is an overtly communist state, when South Vietnam can no longer be saved, when Thailand may herself have begun the dance of death, that our State Department can point to this place and say, ‘Who could have foreseen this? We had every reason to believe the Geneva agreement on Laos would work.’

If indeed this is the rationale for the happy-talk we now hear regarding Laos, then we are confronted with a historical conspiracy containing the seeds of unbounded mischief. For the truth is that the Geneva Pact on Laos is not a good agreement, that it can’t and won’t work, that it may well mark the turning point at which all Southeast Asia was lost to the free world.”

In a column later that year, “Laos Is Lost to the Reds,” 13 October 1962, p.10, Starnes used the Cuban missile crisis as a stick with which to beat the Geneva accord: “The truth is that the Administration tried to hold Laos by running a bluff. It seems unlikely now, when it has been shown that we will not even fight to keep a Soviet base 90 miles from our shores in Cuba, but little more than a year ago there were a lot of otherwise intelligent people who believed President Kennedy would go to war to keep Laos from falling to communism. Mr. Kennedy meant that people should have believed this. ‘No one should doubt our resolution,’ he told the nation on March 23, 1961. If attacks against Laos continued, he warned, ‘those who support a truly neutral Laos will have to consider their response.’”

So much for Starnes as a Harriman groupie – unless we posit an unlikely, elaborate plan of deception – or Kennedy idolater. It was this background, as Arthur Krock explicitly acknowledged, that gave “’Arrogant’ CIA Disobeys In Viet Nam” and its author such potent credibility.

By the late spring of the following year, however, Starnes had accepted the deal and saw its essential (military) merit. In “We Cannot Hold Onto Laos,” The Washington Daily News, 26 April 1963, p.33, he wrote:

“ Mr. Kennedy and his military advisors have digested an expensive and sobering lesson in Laotian geography and culture. The Royal Laotian Army, which we equipped and tried to train, again and again showed all the instinct for combat of a troop of septuagenarian bird-watchers. They were not a match for the hard, dedicated forces of the Pathet Lao, and likely never will be…

This cheerless reality sharply reduces the options, to use a word much esteemed in the White House, available to American policy makers. Is Laos worth what it would take in American men to hold it? The answer here is a resounding and unequivocal no. Not even the most star-happy buck general in the Pentagon would choose to garrison Laos, much less to fight a war there.

It is clear that present American policy in Southeast Asia is one imposed by the hard facts, and not one that is the product of wishful thinking. We cannot in any realistic sense hold Laos; we must let it go.”

Military realism had reared its head in Starnes’ despatches from Vietnam in 1962. In “The Stakes Are High in Viet Nam,” Washington Daily News, 11 June 1962, p.27, we find a direct precedent for this shift in judgement. Note Starnes’ pointed refusal to join in the then, as now, fashionable sport of French baiting:

“ The Viet Cong (communist guerillas control much of this country. At night they dominate all but the biggest population centers and highways. The Vee Cees, as they are universally called here, are well-trained, hardy, resourceful and dedicated communists. It is anybody’s guess how many are operating in Southern Viet Nam now, but an educated estimate might be 23,000 “hard core” troops, plus uncounted thousands of villagers who have been terrorized or otherwise persuaded into serving as porters, spies, support forces.

The French, never lightly regarded as warriors, tried position warfare, tanks and fighter aircraft. They ended at Dien Bien Phu, resoundingly beaten. For the Red irregulars the war never ended. The communists went thru the motions of “agreement” at Geneva to divide Viet Nam into northern (communist) and southern (free), but they never stopped infiltrating, fighting, extending their control and influence over huge areas of south Viet Nam.

No one in Saigon is foolish enough to deny that they have been tremendously successful. They have been so successful that the sounds of mortar fire are not uncommon in the outskirts of the city; so successful that the whole economy of the country is paralysed; so successful that in large areas they have set up provincial administrations and levy taxes.

They have been so successful that it is by no means certain that even the tremendous United States commitment can tip the balance.”


As to Seven Days In May, I think we're confronted with nothing less than a proleptic red-herring, a fictional prophecy designed to prepare a population for an event - and utterly misdirect it as to the who and the how. I mean, the Secret Service as Kennedy's loyal protector? Right, that's plausible.

Knebel was a disseminator of CIA guff before the event; and zealous defender of the official whitewash after it.
Cliff Varnell
QUOTE
Whether intended or not, your reply had the useful effect of making me take a
closer look at any potential Starnes-Harriman link.


Paul,

This is proving to be a fruitful line of inquiry...Starnes gives all appearance
of fierce independence, which made him a dangerous journalist, indeed.

Setting aside the possibility of Starnes being a Harriman shill leaves
us with a far more speculative position, at least as far as divining the
fine hand of Harriman behind the "Arrogant CIA" leaks.

Starnes frames the issue as a matter of Saigon-based military brass and top
non-CIA diplomatic "officials" venting their frustrations over the CIA's pursuit
of a rogue agenda.

The SEVEN DAYS IN MAY reference posits a covert domestic coup-maker in
the uniform of an American general. Edward Lansdale seems the obvious
first candidate.

The reference to the Saigon CIA man in a colonel's uniform -- Lucien Conein,
obviously.

It's a bit hard for me to believe that the anonymous State Dept "officials"
would implicate CIA men in military brass without a go ahead from the
(true) top guy at State, Under Secretary for Political Affairs, Averell Harriman.

A cursory look at the career of Averell Harriman indicates he had a lot of pull
when it came to "regime change."

http://www.fff.org/comment/com0501i.asp

(quote on)

[U.S. presidential envoy Averell] Harriman paid a call on the Shah before leaving
Tehran, and during their meeting he made a discreet suggestion. Since Mossadegh
was making it impossible to resolve the [Anglo-American Oil Company] crisis on a
basis acceptable to the West, he said, Mossadegh might have to be removed.
Harriman knew the Shah had no way of removing Mossadegh at that moment.
By bringing up the subject, however, he foreshadowed American involvement in
the coup two years later.

(quote off)

Foreshadowed? That's one way of putting it...

And Harriman certainly had a lot of weight when it came to "regime change"
in Vietnam.

Here's Kennedy describing the Diem over-throw three days after it occured:

http://www.whitehousetapes.org/clips/1963_...nam_memoir.html

(quote on)

President Kennedy: Opposed to the coup was General [Maxwell] Taylor, the
Attorney General [Robert Kennedy], Secretary [Robert] McNamara to a somewhat
lesser degree, John McCone, partly based on an old hostility to [Henry Cabot] Lodge
[Jr.] which causes him to lack confidence in Lodge's judgement, partly as a result
of a new hostility because Lodge shifted his [CIA] station chief; in favor of the
coup was State, led by Averell Harriman, George Ball, Roger Hilsman, supported
by Mike Forrestal at the White House.

(quote off)

How much misery would the world have been spared had Averell Harriman NOT
facilitated "regime change" in Tehran and Saigon?
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Cliff Varnell @ Jul 31 2006, 11:19 AM) *
QUOTE

Whether intended or not, your reply had the useful effect of making me take a
closer look at any potential Starnes-Harriman link.


Paul,

This is proving to be a fruitful line of inquiry...

How much misery would the world have been spared had Averell Harriman NOT
facilitated "regime change" in Tehran and Saigon?


Cliff,


[indent Many thanks for the links.[/indent]

I’ve not read Kinzer’s book, but I will add it to the list. I look forward, among many other things, to his doubtless frank acknowledgement of the CIA’s initial support for Mossadegh. (The Agency even got one of its favourite mouthpieces, Time, to make him man of the year for 1951.)


I find the brief Kennedy recorded extract much more problematic. Was Harriman really in favour of ditching Diem?


Here’s the last public word on Diem from Harriman that I have been able to find. I readily concede my search was not exhaustive. If you – or anyone else reading this - can do better, please don’t hesitate. I’d be genuinely interested in seeing material of a later vintage:


"Diem is being criticized in the cities, but the battle is fought in the villages. And what they need is security. Our surveys show that this is what they want…President Diem is a determined fighter; he is deeply interested in democratizing his regime." [Source: Bernard Fall. The Two Viet-Nams: A Political & Military Analysis (London: Pall Mall Press, 1963), p.473, note 31: The Harriman quote is taken from a “panel discussion between Under Secretary of State W. Averell Harriman, Senator Claiborne Pell, and Richard Dudman over WAMU, Washington, D.C., March 8, 1963.”]


Well, perhaps Harriman’s disillusionment with Diem grew as 1963 unfolded. And yet…


Throughout 1963, that much lauded gaggle of reporters – Halberstam, Sheehan, Browne, Arnett et al – had campaigned vigorously, and none too scrupulously, for Diem’s overthrow. Why, then, if Harriman was indeed also such an enthusiastic supporter of the same end, do we find Arnett writing that Harriman “had complained to the editors of the New York Times about the coverage, and was contemplating complaining to AP and UPI” [Live From The Battlefield: From Vietnam to Baghdad: 35 Years in the World’s War Zones, London: Corgi, 1995, p.93]. From the context, incidentally, Arnett places Harriman’s protest in September 1963.


This makes no sense if the conventional wisdom – and the Presidential recording - is true or interpreted conventionally. Unless, that is, there is evidence that Harriman changed his mind in favour of a coup post-September 1963, in which case that redeems one point only to sacrifice another: Harriman could thus not have been the prime mover of the notorious August 24 cable.


Then again, one could argue that Harriman was so outraged at the quality of the claque’s prose that he felt compelled to act in defence of fine writing. This is not quite as facetious as it reads, at least, not to any one remotely familiar with the work of Halberstam in particular.


Or perhaps Harriman was in favour of a very different coup to the one orchestrated by the CIA. Any evidence for that? Oddly, there is. Here’s the Times (the London one) in late August 1963. Writing of the thwarted CIA coup attempt of August 28/29, the anonymous Times hack had this to say: “One novel aspect of this American intervention was that much of it was quite open, if tentative and oblique. If the Central Intelligence Agency is looking for a creature of its own the search is probably not directly connected with the efforts of the White House and the State Department” (“Gen. De Gaulle Offers Aid To S. Vietnam,” 30 August 1963, p.8).


And then we turn back to Richard Starnes. In response to ‘Arrogant’ CIA, the Agency unleashed a fearsome barrage by way of riposte. Much of it is to be found in the pages of its most cherished (and slavish) media asset, the New York Times. Among the contributors manifestly co-ordinated to chip away at different aspects of Starnes’ immensely courageous report, we find, yes, David Halberstam, and Malcolm W. Browne.


Here’s Halberstam doing what he did best - regurgitating a CIA hand-out. Note the extravagant reliance on unnamed “sources” and other variants on the same essential euphemism. He meant “CIA.”


New York Times, Friday, 4 October 1963, pp.1 & 4


Lodge And C.I.A. Differ on Policy


Ambassador and Agency’s Chief in Saigon Clash on Conduct of the War


By David Halberstam


Saigon, South Vietnam, Oct. 3 – Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge and the head of Central Intelligence Agency operations in Saigon do not agree on United States policy for Vietnam.


The Ambassador would be happier with a new C.I.A. chief. [The present C.I.A. chief in Saigon is believed to be John Richardson.]


This is not a problem of personalities. What is involved is in part the traditional relationship, sometimes of rivalry, between the State Department and the C.I.A. In part it involves the problem of whether the C.I.A. should be primarily a straight intelligence network, or have operative functions; whether there should be separate chiefs for intelligence and operations.


It is believed here that Mr. Lodge feels that when a man is assigned to an important and, in this case, difficult operative function, the requirements of that post conflict with the objectivity and disinterest required of an intelligence chief.


There is no evidence that the C.I.A. chief has directly countermanded any orders by the Ambassador. Assertions that he has are denied in all quarters here.


Rather, even amid the current controversy, it is acknowledged that the C.I.A. chief, for more than a year, has carried out the extremely difficult and taxing job of working closely with Ngo Dinh Nhu. In this aspect of his duties he has done a superior job, say the other members of the mission. It is the basic contradiction between this role and that of an intelligence chief that is at stake.


Informants here say Mr. Lodge has told Washington he wants a new chief, and that the C.I.A. is fighting back hard. The matter is believed now resting with the White House.


It is believed here that Mr. Lodge and the C.I.A. chief see this war effort in somewhat different lights. Likewise, they see the proper function of a C.I.A. chief in different lights.


It is also true that in recent weeks in Saigon, as a major re-evaluation of United States policy has been taking place, the American mission here has tended to become the theater, on a small scale, of the traditional conflict in Washington of the Pentagon, the State Department and the C.I.A.


Part of the present struggle over the C.I.A. chief is believed to have a parallel in a struggle by Mr. Lodge against Maj. General Paul D. Harkins to establish himself as the real as well as the nominal head of the American mission here.


At the moment, some sources say, there is a growing effort to make the C.I.A. the scapegoat for the unhappy events of the last six weeks. When Government forces raided Buddhist pagodas on Aug. 21 the C.I.A. seemed confused about what was going on. There followed the demand by Washington that Ngo Dinh Nhu and his wife be pushed out of the Government, defiance of that demand by Ngo Dinh Diem, and Washington’s decision to go along with the regime.


Some persistent enemies of the intelligence agency are accused of using recent events as an opportunity to voice their bitterness against the agency.


Many persons in Saigon contend that in general intelligence operatives here are at the highest caliber, and say they have played vital roles in some of the most successful programs of the complicated counter-insurgency machinery.

undefined
Cliff Varnell
Paul,

According to these documents, Harriman was not only pro-coup as
of 8/28/63, but he was lined up against the anti-coup US military, the
CIA, and Bobby Kennedy -- Harriman still got his way.

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB101/vn07.pdf

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB101/vn19.pdf


http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB101/
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Cliff Varnell @ Aug 1 2006, 12:28 AM) *
Paul,

According to these documents, Harriman was not only pro-coup as
of 8/28/63, but he was lined up against the anti-coup US military, the
CIA, and Bobby Kennedy -- Harriman still got his way.

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB101/vn07.pdf

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB101/vn19.pdf


http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB101/



Cliff,

Again, many thanks for the apposite links.

On the matter of Harriman’s attitude to Diem’s government.

I would be more persuaded by a detailed account, preferably buttressed by contemporaneous sources, explaining the alleged transformation of Harriman’s view in the course of the summer of 1963. As matters stand, we find utterly conflicting evidence and, to the best of my limited knowledge, no remotely adequate account of why the man who negotiated peace for Laos suddenly turned hawk over Vietnam.

Moreover, it is only on Vietnam, and Vietnam alone, we are invited to believe, that Harriman found himself allied to the CIA, an organisation that loathed his long-since modified views on Russia, his work on the test ban treaty, and his support for an opening to mainland China; and, let us not forget, had actively sought to sabotage the Geneva settlement on Laos. You see the full oddity of what we are routinely invited to believe.

Note, too, the distribution and type of sources for the two conflicting accounts of Harriman’s attitude to Diem. The contemporaneous public record, certainly up to March 1963, finds Harriman determinedly resisting pressure to dump Diem. The official, governmental record, by contrast, released many years later and with the new orthodoxy firmly in place, offers a complete reversal, a reversal which purportedly takes place a matter of months after. This aforementioned orthodoxy, portraying Harriman as Vietnam hawk, is characterised by a number of striking omissions.

First and most revealingly, it invites us to forget the inconvenient fact that attempts to assassinate President Diem began no later than 1957, the year in which Time magazine – yes, that old Agency harridan yet again – denounced Diem as a pinko neutralist with a distinctly under-developed zeal for zapping his fellow-countrymen in the service of Cold War anti-communism. In November 1960, well before Harriman had regained influence or power in White House counsels, the CIA tried to oust Diem in a smaller version of the military putsch that succeeded three years later. The bombing of the presidential palace in 1962 occurred well before Harriman’s alleged switch to pro-coup, anti-Diemism.

However, let us permit for one moment that Harriman was indeed a hawkish opponent of Diem. In that case, and further assuming that Harriman or proxy was the administration insider-source for Starnes’ ‘Arrogant’ CIA, we are faced with the absurd position of Harriman seeking not merely to quieten anti-Diem reporters in this period, but leaking savagely to discredit a Saigon CIA chief, John H. Richardson, who, as the record shows, was entirely in favour of overthrowing Diem no later than August 28/29, 1963.
Cliff Varnell
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Aug 1 2006, 04:40 PM) *
QUOTE (Cliff Varnell @ Aug 1 2006, 12:28 AM) *

Paul,

According to these documents, Harriman was not only pro-coup as
of 8/28/63, but he was lined up against the anti-coup US military, the
CIA, and Bobby Kennedy -- Harriman still got his way.

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB101/vn07.pdf

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB101/vn19.pdf


http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB101/



Cliff,

Again, many thanks for the apposite links.

On the matter of Harriman’s attitude to Diem’s government.

I would be more persuaded by a detailed account, preferably buttressed by contemporaneous sources, explaining the alleged transformation of Harriman’s view in the course of the summer of 1963. As matters stand, we find utterly conflicting evidence and, to the best of my limited knowledge, no remotely adequate account of why the man who negotiated peace for Laos suddenly turned hawk over Vietnam.

Moreover, it is only on Vietnam, and Vietnam alone, we are invited to believe, that Harriman found himself allied to the CIA, an organisation that loathed his long-since modified views on Russia, his work on the test ban treaty, and his support for an opening to mainland China; and, let us not forget, had actively sought to sabotage the Geneva settlement on Laos. You see the full oddity of what we are routinely invited to believe.

Note, too, the distribution and type of sources for the two conflicting accounts of Harriman’s attitude to Diem. The contemporaneous public record, certainly up to March 1963, finds Harriman determinedly resisting pressure to dump Diem. The official, governmental record, by contrast, released many years later and with the new orthodoxy firmly in place, offers a complete reversal, a reversal which purportedly takes place a matter of months after. This aforementioned orthodoxy, portraying Harriman as Vietnam hawk, is characterised by a number of striking omissions.

First and most revealingly, it invites us to forget the inconvenient fact that attempts to assassinate President Diem began no later than 1957, the year in which Time magazine – yes, that old Agency harridan yet again – denounced Diem as a pinko neutralist with a distinctly under-developed zeal for zapping his fellow-countrymen in the service of Cold War anti-communism. In November 1960, well before Harriman had regained influence or power in White House counsels, the CIA tried to oust Diem in a smaller version of the military putsch that succeeded three years later. The bombing of the presidential palace in 1962 occurred well before Harriman’s alleged switch to pro-coup, anti-Diemism.

However, let us permit for one moment that Harriman was indeed a hawkish opponent of Diem. In that case, and further assuming that Harriman or proxy was the administration insider-source for Starnes’ ‘Arrogant’ CIA, we are faced with the absurd position of Harriman seeking not merely to quieten anti-Diem reporters in this period, but leaking savagely to discredit a Saigon CIA chief, John H. Richardson, who, as the record shows, was entirely in favour of overthrowing Diem no later than August 28/29, 1963.



Paul,

For what it's worth:

An old girl friend of mine is the daughter of a Diem secret police officer.
She was 13 at the time of the coup. She's Buddhist, and insists that the
Buddhist uprising against Diem in '63 was manufactured by the CIA. She
talked about how the little kids would sneak into the temples even when
they were surrounded. She told me that Diem was negotiating with
Ho Chi Minh to kick the Americans out.

I haven't seen anything concrete in the historical record to confirm this,
other than fleeting references to un-explained "anti-American" activities
by Diem.

Paul, have you come across anything in your research to indicate that
Diem was secretly negotiating with Ho, and might that have played a
part in Harriman coming around to the coup?
Debra Conway
[quote name='Paul Rigby' date='Jul 27 2006, 10:17 PM' post='70509']
Paul,

A very important topic -- one that I attempted to tackle at the 2005 November In Dallas Conference. You can see my powerpoint presentation here:

http://www.jfklancer.com/dallas05/ppt/conw...ersions.ppt.htm (I don't have the text online.)

Part two contains the work on the outing of CIA agent and head of station John Richardson by Starnes. The leaker was none other than Lodge himself. After reading Richardson Jr.'s book, I contacted him and exchanged emails regarding his father's role in supporting Diem's regime in Vietnam. Richardson Sr., a long time CIA official, seemed to feel Diem was a workable solution -- Lodge did not. The result is now history -- the overthrow and assassination of Diem and his brother. In this case, the CIA did not run this operation, it was run from the State Department.

I learned alot from reading the newspapers and Richardson Jr.'s book. For all these years I thought the Starnes article was a true warning regarding the CIA, and maybe it was in a way, but in this case it was a turf war between Lodge and Richardson. Richardson lost. In fact, I ended my presentation by stating Lodge even moved into Richardson's former home after he was fired.

Best,

Debra
Paul Rigby
Paul,

For what it's worth:

An old girl friend of mine is the daughter of a Diem secret police officer.
She was 13 at the time of the coup. She's Buddhist, and insists that the
Buddhist uprising against Diem in '63 was manufactured by the CIA. She
talked about how the little kids would sneak into the temples even when
they were surrounded. She told me that Diem was negotiating with
Ho Chi Minh to kick the Americans out.

I haven't seen anything concrete in the historical record to confirm this,
other than fleeting references to un-explained "anti-American" activities
by Diem.

Paul, have you come across anything in your research to indicate that
Diem was secretly negotiating with Ho, and might that have played a
part in Harriman coming around to the coup?
[/quote]


Cliff,

What a fascinating contact to have made! I agree entirely with your ex-girlfriend. To follow, one of the reasons why. Please bear in mind that the version before you is not the original, but a later, bowdlerised simulacrum, a proposition I'll justify tomorrow night, when I've slept off the effects of last night's extra-cold Guinness. I'll return to your question about Nhu's negotiations with Hanoi then, too.


The Times of Vietnam, Monday, 2 September 1963, pp.1&6

CIA Financing Planned Coup D’Etat

Planned for Aug. 28; Falls Flat, Stillborn

Saigon (TVN) – The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency was financing a planned coup d’etat scheduled for last Wednesday, reliable foreign sources said yesterday.

For some weeks as the Xa Loi anti-government campaign grew, the rumours of coup d’etats became more frequent and abundant. It was well known that the Communists were exploiting the Xa Loi campaign in an effort to topple the Vietnamese Government, and there were constant rumours that C.I.A. was also supporting it.

Now as the story comes out, it is revealed that C.I.A. agents in the political section of the U.S. Embassy, the Public Safety Division of U.S.O.M. and the G2 section of M.A.A.G., with the assistance of well-paid military attaches from three other embassies, had prepared a detailed plan for the overthrow of the Vietnamese Government. The C.I.A. plan, it is said, had the blessing of high officials in the “distressed” State Department.

It is also said Vietnamese authorities seem to be well aware of C.I.A. efforts to help build the political agitation of the “Buddhist Affair” to a point of popular confusion and hysteria which would be fertile ground for the planned coup d’etat of the unofficially official American organization.

Beginning in January of this year, it is reported American secret agency “experts” who successfully engineered the coup d’etats in Turkey, Guatemala, Korea, and failed in Iran and Cuba, began arriving in Vietnam, taking up duties mostly in the U.S. Embassy, U.S.O.M., M.A.A.G., and various official and unofficial installations here. The Vietnamese Government, though seemingly well aware of all this, apparently could not believe such action was possible from allies and at a time with victory so near.

Rumours of their activities with student and religious and other private groups and clubs have long flown around the city. During the period in which U.S. Ambassador Nolting was on leave from May to July, the operators became more openly active, showing themselves in person at Xa Loi Pagoda to confer with agitators there.

But, certain foreign sources say, the young agent provocateurs showed their hands too brazenly in the attempt to prepare the military coup d’etat and revealed the plot. Naively believing the subjects of their bribes were anti-government, they poured money into the pockets of many, the sources say. The money is now spent from a budget which the U.S. Congress has no authority to audit, an affair which may bring much trouble and shame when the U.S. Congress takes a close look. The sources estimate the sum of money spent to overthrow the Vietnamese Government was between 10 and 21 million dollars.

The money was in three banks, it is reported: Bank of America, Hong-Kong-Shanghai Banking Corp., and Bank of Tokyo.
U.S. banknotes under 50 dollar denominations were difficult to change on the black market on Saturday, and black market dealers who accepted small notes gives as much as 4 ps. per dollar less than the going rate of 1065 VN for bills of 50 and 100 dollar denominations.

By Sunday afternoon some black market currency dealers were refusing to buy dollars but were selling them at 1058 VN to the dollar.

The macabre outline of the plot in seven steps bears a sinister resemblance to the Communist tactics:

1) Create unrest and discontent among the masses, provoking “religious”-inspired anti-government sentiment; sow discord among the population.
2) Mobilize youth groups (a function of the C.I.A. agents in U.S.I.S. and U.S.O.M.) particularly the following groups: Boy Scout, Girl Scouts, Buddhist Youth, Buddhist student groups.
3) Buy police, army, labor, and civil servants with three months advance salary and a bonus.
4) Assure government officials that they will be allowed to stay in their present posts if they agree to resign when given the signal.
5) While agitating in the different groups, provoke the government at the same time to commit mistakes such as killing innocent civilians or imprisoning large numbers of particular interest groups such as the youth.
6) When confusion has reached its peak, make sure “representatives” of so-called “representative groups” – e.g., civil servants, army, etc; - present an ultimatum to the President to (a) resign or (b) to send his family into exile.
7) If President resigns, a puppet government must be ready to take over – or a “military junta” prepared to take the reigns of government until elections can be held.

The 24 million dollar “budget” was earmarked, according to the same sources, as follows:

1) Advance salaries for the army, police and civil servants
2) Bonus for the same
3) Further gratifications for the same if necessary
4) Financing of the “Buddhist” organizations
5) Financing of youth movements such as the “Voluntary Youths” (whose financing to date is reported to have come from “American sources”.
6) Propaganda – including payment for “articles” by foreign correspondents in Vietnam
7) Relief – assumed to mean a contingency fund for miscellaneous or unforeseen expenditures

The plan, it is said, was to install a puppet military junta before elections (formerly scheduled for the 31st of August but postponed after martial law was declared). The various and sundry politicians in exile were to be returned to Vietnam to form several political parties and prepare for elections. Nguyen Ton Hoan, at a press conference in New York last week, announced he had a government ready to bring to Vietnam. He is reported to have presented the list to Secretary of State Dean Rusk. Pham Huy Co of November 11 fame is reported also to be in the U.S. ready to cash in a change of governments.

But, Nguyen Ton Hoan’s list – according to several persons on the list – contains (end of page 1) the names of persons who have never even been consulted to give approval for their inscription on the list.

Some weeks ago the Radio Catinat rumor indicated the coup was to come between the 15th and 28th of this month. The Government and Army took action on August 21, but this plan continued, the sources say. The date scheduled for the coup was actually August 28, they report.

On August 29 a military intelligence source was quoted in a foreign wire service dispatch as reporting that President Diem would be stopping in Manila on that day – the 29th – en route to exile in a friendly country. Manila journalists were alerted to be at International Airport to see him on the stopover. Meanwhile President Ngo Dinh Diem was visiting marines on the Saigon River. Apparently the source was not alerted to the actual turn of events, or he leaked the “news” prematurely.

U.S. Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge had been due to arrive on August 26. There were unconfirmed reports that the date was postponed to August 29. But, immediately after the August 21 action of President Ngo Dinh Diem and the Army, Lodge received orders to come immediately, arriving in Saigon on August 22.

Certain diplomatic sources in Saigon report that essentially the whole diplomatic corps was aware of the plan in general, if not in detail. All were alerted for the hour of 11pm on August 28, they report. But, at the last moment, it was postponed because the Vietnamese knew about it and were organised to face it and to resist to the end – even if it meant fighting in the streets of Saigon.

A number of foreign embassy representatives have expressed great concern, the foreign sources say, because they knew a coup attempt would result in bloody chaos in Saigon.

President De Gaulle was reported to have been indignant, because he knew the Vietnamese would never give in to such a coup easily and it could only create a situation which would profit the Communists.

But it seemed it was only when the CIA agents saw for themselves that the Tu Vu Thanh (Self-Defense Corps of the capital) of the Cong Hoa Youth – street combat specialists – were really organized to face the coup of the day, that they finally postponed their “coup”. They were well aware, whether they reported it to Washington or not, that in the elections of 57 strategic quarters of the capital, the Republican Youth had victories in 54 of the 57 quarters.

The new Ambassador has made no public declarations since his arrival, but has conferred with President Ngo Dinh Diem and with Counsellor Ngo Dinh Nhu. The Ambassador is faced with a most explosive and delicate situation, which some observers believe may turn out to have been as big a debacle as the Cuban affair. The State Department, they judge, has cut the rug from under Lodge’s feet by speaking so precipitously to “deplore” the Vietnamese Government for action which has proven to have been an extremely wise move. If State Dept. had maintained silence until Lodge had time to send away the agent provocateurs among his personnel here and “fix things up” with the Vietnamese Government before the State Department took an open public position on the actions of August 21, it could have saved much face for itself.

But apparently the CIA operators had so greatly misjudged the popularity and strength of the Ngo Dinh Diem Government that Washington was convinced there was going to be a change of government here.

In the meantime, the U.S. public – through foreign press reports based on U.S. “intelligence” assessments, was readied to accept the planned term of events. Ambassador Nolting’s and General Harkins’ statements of optimism and support have for some months been discredited and toned down by the U.S. press here, often with quotes from junior officers who disagreed with their chiefs.

The CIA crowd has obviously prepared well to undercut any sound Lodge policy which develop as they undercut that of Nolting.

Since the monstrous flub – realising at last that they do not have the Vietnamese people with them – the agitation and plotting continues all the same, both foreign and Vietnamese sources say.

In an effort to revive the “religious” character of the crisis, there is now a reported plan underfoot to murder the Thich Thien Hoa newly appointed head of the Buddhist group; Cao Hoal Sang of the Cao Dai sect; and several leaders of the Hoa Hao sects. Next step would be the assassination of Monsigneur Ngo Dinh Thuc himself which the plotters would term a “reprisal” of non-Catholic patriots.

The Archbishop is indeed feared for his well-known fearlessness and dynamism.

As for Counsellor and Madame Ngo Dinh Nhu, the plotters want only exile for them for the time being, because they know well that if they were murdered it would provoke a bloodbath of reprisals.

A threatening side-issue in the pumped-up “religious” affair is reported to be a campaign to encourage the Highlanders – trained by U.S. Special Forces – to desert the national cause. “Intelligence” sources have for some time been telling the press that “Who controls the Highlands, controls Vietnam.”

The CIA group which is reported to have complete control of U.S.I.S., is said to have gone “underground” and to be clandestinely calling on the Armed Forces of the Republic to demonstrate and to provoke the several-times postponed coup d’etat.

As late as Saturday evening, AFRS radio station was broadcasting 30 second spot lectures on such subjects as “majority rule” and explaining in a sarcastic tone that majority rule meant “respect” for the activities of “minorities”.

On Sunday, one agent said angrily “Nhu won the first round. But just wait for the second round.”

Said one Vietnamese government official – “The U.S. press summaries get to Xa Lol two days earlier than I could get them. I can only think of one source for their information.”

As things appear, the plotters momentarily seem to have abandoned the idea of a coup d’etat, but still cling to the purpose of creating unrest under whatever label they can ????, counting on diplomatic immunity to go on untouched in their activities to topple the Government.

The State Department, now faced with an embarrassing dilemma created by gross errors of assessment of the situation here, has the choice of doing an about face or losing plenty of face – and maybe both.

The millions of Americans who believe in the freedom and national integrity their government preaches are in for a big disillusionment if their government does not soon denounce the sinister cynics who almost turned Vietnam over to the Communists. And some observers on the scene are wondering whether the whole fiasco is a desperate effort of those who helped to lose Cuba for the Free World to try to recoup their loss of face by taking control of Vietnam in time to proclaim her victory as their own.

But this is not the American way, as American citizens have been brought up to understand it. And, once revealed, the American people will without any doubt turn their wrath for this fiasco on those who have betrayed their ideals.

The U.S. Congress – watchdog of the American dream – is still there. And they are not likely to accept lightly the betrayals of all the ideals of which they are the guardians – among the most precious of which is self-determination of peoples in freedom.

There is one more factor in Vietnam’s favor. U.S. Congressmen are also political realists, and it won’t take long for most of them to see the realities of the situation in Vietnam once the facts are placed before them.[/indent]







[quote name='Debra Conway' date='Aug 2 2006, 05:52 PM' post='71123']
[quote name='Paul Rigby' date='Jul 27 2006, 10:17 PM' post='70509']
Paul,

A very important topic -- one that I attempted to tackle at the 2005 November In Dallas Conference. You can see my powerpoint presentation here:

http://www.jfklancer.com/dallas05/ppt/conw...ersions.ppt.htm (I don't have the text online.)

Part two contains the work on the outing of CIA agent and head of station John Richardson by Starnes. The leaker was none other than Lodge himself. After reading Richardson Jr.'s book, I contacted him and exchanged emails regarding his father's role in supporting Diem's regime in Vietnam. Richardson Sr., a long time CIA official, seemed to feel Diem was a workable solution -- Lodge did not. The result is now history -- the overthrow and assassination of Diem and his brother. In this case, the CIA did not run this operation, it was run from the State Department.

I learned alot from reading the newspapers and Richardson Jr.'s book. For all these years I thought the Starnes article was a true warning regarding the CIA, and maybe it was in a way, but in this case it was a turf war between Lodge and Richardson. Richardson lost. In fact, I ended my presentation by stating Lodge even moved into Richardson's former home after he was fired.

Best,

Debra
[/quote]

Debra,

Many thanks for the links.

I do not find the idea of Lodge being Starnes' source inconceivable: As I confessed earlier in this thread, I genuinely don't know who it was.

As for the rest of your post, I disagree fundamentally. Before doing so, however, I owe you the basic courtesy of scrutinizing and digesting your work. There is, perhaps, much I could learn from it. I'll do that tomorrow night when I have regained the feeling in my outer extremities, fingers in particular.

Best wishes,

Paul
Debra Conway
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Aug 2 2006, 11:00 PM) *
As for the rest of your post, I disagree fundamentally. Before doing so, however, I owe you the basic courtesy of scrutinizing and digesting your work. There is, perhaps, much I could learn from it. I'll do that tomorrow night when I have regained the feeling in my outer extremities, fingers in particular.

Best wishes,

Paul


Paul,

Let me back up and regroup. I do not think the articles on the CIA were necessarily false. Most of it was right on -- what I was trying to say was that Lodge wasn't exposing the CIA's behavior and practices because he had a golden heart and mind, it was because he coveted what Richardson had -- his own little kingdom.

I've added many of my source files here: http://www.jfklancer.com/dallas05/ppt/conway/

Please feel free to check them out.

Best,

Debra
Paul Rigby
Debra & Cliff,

Apologies for bundling my replies together, but it seemed a sensible measure given the length and nature of the post to follow.

First to Debra: I’ve skimmed the links you posted and found much that was new to me, for which many thanks. I won’t comment on the unfamiliar material therein in any detail as I haven’t yet had the time to do it justice. One brief, relatively minor, observation, however.

While it was nice to see the cover of Dick’s noirish mystery – And When She Was Bad She Was Murdered (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Co., 1950), one of three he dashed off in the period to pay the bills – much the most apposite of his books in this context is his classic 1967 assault on the CIA and liberal illusion, Requiem In Utopia (NY: Trident Press). It’s one of the outstanding spy novels of the decade and I commend it to all.

Cliff, second but not least: Later than intended, I at least deal with the question of the bowdlerisation of the Times of Vietnam’s edition of 2 September 1963, as promised in my previous post to you.

I begin with a book published in 2005. A picture of its cover features in Debra’s presentation, and she makes reference to its author in the post above. Written by the son of the CIA station chief Starnes named in ‘Arrogant’ CIA Disobeys Orders In Vietnam, My Father The Spy: An Investigative Memoir (NY: HarperCollins) represented a return to an old and mendacious line of Agency attack on the Scripps-Howard man. Here is John H. Richardson fils on the Times of Vietnam’s detailed expose of the thwarted CIA coup of 28/29 August, as posted earlier in this thread. It is to Richardson fils’ credit that he reproduces his father’s acknowledgement of its accuracy. There, honesty ends:

“I have a copy of that newspaper, its angry headline spanning the entire front page: CIA FINANCING PLANNED COUP D’ETAT. Although it didn’t actually use my father’s name…” (p.187).

Stop right there. It did, as we shall shortly see. The trouble is, the version to be found today in both the Chicago-based Centre for Research Libraries, and the British Newspaper Library at Colindale, is not the original. What became of that? Two veteran China Lobby propagandists, Stephen Pan and the Jesuit Daniel Lyons, explained its fate in 1966: “All of the copies of the paper disappeared from the newstands within a few hours…and when 6,000 more copies were reprinted on September 9, they, too, disappeared almost immediately…That night the presses were smashed by unknown forces.” (Vietnam Crisis (NY: Twin Circle Books, second edition, July 1967), p.121).

I offer four very different sources, spread across three decades, for my claim that Richardson’s name did appear in the CIA-suppressed original. To begin in the 1970s, with Polish diplomat, and International Control Commission member, Mieczyslaw Maneli: “In the first version of this article, as I learned later, there was even a mention of the high CIA officials who engineered this conspiracy. According to the information I gathered in Saigon, it mentioned the name of Mr. Richardson, allegedly chief of the CIA in South Vietnam, who masterminded the abortive coup. It was allegedly Mme. Nhu who ordered them to drop this name from the article. I had the opportunity in Saigon to read one of the first versions of this article...” (Mieczyslaw Maneli. War of the Vanquished (NY: Harper & Row, 1971), p. 143.)

John Prados offered confirmation in his 2001 study of William Colby: “The station chief’s name [Richardson’s] appeared, first in the Times of Vietnam, then in articles in the United States” (Lost Crusader: The Secret Wars of CIA Director William Colby (Oxford UP, March 2003), p.122).

We can do even better. Here is Diem-critic Stanley Karnow writing within a month of 'Arrogant' CIA's publication: “All this might have remained secret had not Nhu, learning of the attempt against Diem’s regime, publicized the ‘plot’ by foreign elements.’ Vietnamese newspapers named Richardson as the leader of the operation, and Washington recalled him.” (“U.S. Still Divided On Viet-Nam Aims,” Washington Post, 31 October 1963, p.A20).

My final witness is Dick Starnes. In late February 1964, he despatched a Scripps-Howard researcher to the State Department in successful pursuit of copy. There it was, Richardson’s name. He was moved to seek confirmation of its presence as a consequence of the following attack, launched by our old friend Dodd of Connecticut on the Senate floor: “The propaganda campaign against the CIA reached a crescendo during the recent Vietnamese crisis. Last October 4, an article by a correspondent for an American newspaper chain charged that the CIA had been subverting State Department policy in Viet Nam, and that John Richardson, the CIA man in Saigon, had openly refused to carry out instructions from Ambassador Lodge.

The correspondent who wrote this article was guilty of openly identifying a CIA representative abroad, thus reducing his potential usefulness forever. Visiting Congressmen and members of the press may sometimes know the identity of the CIA representative but it has been take for granted that they do not reveal his identity to the public.

To the best of my knowledge, this was the first instance in which an American correspondent has been guilty of this flagrant breach of the ethics of security.”

Starnes responded to Dodd’s farrago with this tour de force:

The Washington Daily News, March 4, 1964, p.35

Over to You, Senator

A spirited – if maundering and contradictory – defense of the Central Intelligence Agency’s role in Viet Nam has been uttered by Sen. Thomas J. Dodd (D., Conn.).

Altho he prudently avoided using my name, Sen. Dodd’s speech unmistakably was an attack upon me for reporting the truth about the CIA’s headlong wilfulness in Viet Nam. The speech was long-winded and tedious, which is par for the course, and it was also essentially untrue. It betrayed a man who either is disingenuous or whose memory has played him false.

He complained to the Senate that “baiting the CIA almost seems to have achieved the stature of a popular national pastime.” He cited my dispatches from Saigon last October, and he alluded to two subsequent broadsides against the CIA levelled by “distinguished members of Congress.” He neglected to include in his indictment a well-reasoned attack on the CIA made recently by former President Harry Truman, who repeated and enlarged upon my well-founded charges that the huge espionage apparatus had strayed into operational and policy-making areas where it did not belong. Sen. Dodd’s motives in slighting Mr. Truman is unknown to me, and may well be nothing more than additional evidence of eclectic memory.

In his speech, the Senator and erstwhile FBI agent warned that these attacks upon the CIA are “highly dangerous,” and added: “Whether the critics realize it or not, these charges also constitute an attack on the wisdom and integrity of both President Eisenhower and President Kennedy. It is tantamount to accusing them of passively allowing an executive agency to function without control or supervision; and to make foreign policy – in other words, to usurp the President’s own authority. This is patently ridiculous. Neither President would have ever permitted such a thing.”

Here regard for historical truth impels one to remind the Senator that he himself repeated strikingly similar charges, “patently ridiculous” or not, less than four years ago.

I quote now from a press release issued by the Senate Internal Security Sub-committee for use Sunday, Sept. 11, 1960:

“’Cuba was handed to Castro and the communists by a combination of Americans in the same way that China was handed to the communists,’” Senators James O. Eastland (D., Miss.) and Thomas J. Dodd (D., Conn.) said today in releasing the testimony of two former United States Ambassadors.”

The two envoys were Earl T. Smith, who was US Ambassador to Havana when Castro rose to power, and Arthur Gardner, his immediate predecessor. Again the press release:

“The Senators drew particular attention to this statement of Ambassador Smith.

“’We helped overthrow the Batista dictatorship which was pro-American, only to install the Castro dictatorship, which is pro-Russian.

According to former Ambassador Smith, the agencies of the United States Government which ‘had a hand in bringing pressure to overthrow the Batista government’ were ‘certain influential people, influential sources in the State Department, lower down echelons in the CIA…”

These charges, of course, were not ridiculous.

Ambassador Smith is a distinguished financier and public official. He levelled his charges against the CIA in sworn testimony before the Internal Security sub-committee, on Aug. 30, 1960, Sen. Dodd, among others, present. Ambassador Smith enlarged upon his charges in a book (previously quoted here at some length) entitled “The Fourth Floor,” which was published by Random House two years ago. Both his testimony, which was accepted at face value and broadcast by Sen. Dodd, and his book made it plain that the CIA, indeed, had run contrary to American interests, had helped boost Castro into power, had made policy, or attempted to, and, in one instance, had been openly rebellious and insulting toward Ambassador Smith.

So much for Sen. Dodd’s own excursion into what I am afraid he would now deride as dangerous CIA baiting.

In his speech two weeks ago, Sen. Dodd laid two charges against me. Both are false and dastardly, both are of a piece with the CIA’s record for crude intimidation of reporters who undertake its lunatic growth and hunger for power.

CHARGE: A dispatch of mine identified and thus destroyed the usefulness of one John Richardson, the CIA’s then “station chief” in Saigon.

TRUTH: Mr. Richardson’s identity and role in Saigon were secrets from no one – except American newspaper readers. He was widely known as the CIA’s chief resident spook in Saigon. It is inconceivable that in a few days digging, I could discover information not long known to Ho Chi Minh’s espionage network.

CHARGE: My dispatches violated a gentleman’s agreement to protect the identity of CIA agents.

TRUTH: I am party to no agreement to hide facts from American taxpayers and parents when I am sure the enemy knows them.

CHARGE: Striking at the CIA is like hitting a man ‘who has his hands tied behind his back…the agency cannot confirm or deny published reports, true or false, favourable or unfavourable. It cannot alibi. It cannot explain. It cannot answer…

TRUTH: Baloney. Ask any reporter who has hung one on the CIA’s solid Spode chin. Few editors with guts enough to hire honest reporters have not had plaintive and/or outraged phone calls from CIA Director John McCone and his predecessors. And, indeed, Sen. Dodd’s own apologia disproves him. The voice is Sen. Dodd’s, but I’ve got a powerful hunch the words are Mr. McCone’s.

John H. Richardson fils used the CIA’s suppression of the original edition of the Times of Vietnam’s CIA Financing Planned Coup D’Etat to fashion a lie: Starnes’ identification of his father a month later came as a “bombshell” (p.197) that “stunned and dismayed” (p.198) the veteran CIA man who had, of course, as we have seen, been named a mere month earlier by the Times of Vietnam.

The revival of this ancient anti-Starnes canard had a distinctly contemporary – and distinctly Mockingbirdish –purpose. Richardson fils parleyed the lie into a piece for the NYT in which he solemnly averred that the fiendish outing of Valerie Plame Wilson had precedent, and that precedent was Starnes’ outing of Richardson’s father way back in 1963 (“The Spy Left Out In The Cold,” NYT, 7 August 2005). “The past telescopes into the future,” one of Richardson pere’s patrons, James Angleton, is famously reported to have observed. The process manifestly runs both ways.

As ever, the NYT printed the CIA-serving lie.

P.S. Was John H. Richardson really Nhu’s bosom pal, as so many claim? Not according to those aforementioned veteran China lobbyists, Stephen Pan & Daniel Lyons, SJ: "From 1957 to 1960, Diem's brother…co-operated very closely with the representatives of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in Saigon…Nhu had good friends with the CIA in Saigon, but the CIA replaced them with men who were unfriendly to him..." (Vietnam Crisis (NY: Twin Circle Publishing Co. Inc, July1966; this edition March 1967), p. 105).
Cliff Varnell
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Aug 3 2006, 05:31 PM) *
Debra & Cliff,

Apologies for bundling my replies together, but it seemed a sensible measure given the length and nature of the post to follow.

First to Debra: I’ve skimmed the links you posted and found much that was new to me, for which many thanks. I won’t comment on the unfamiliar material therein in any detail as I haven’t yet had the time to do it justice. One brief, relatively minor, observation, however.

While it was nice to see the cover of Dick’s noirish mystery – And When She Was Bad She Was Murdered (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Co., 1950), one of three he dashed off in the period to pay the bills – much the most apposite of his books in this context is his classic 1967 assault on the CIA and liberal illusion, Requiem In Utopia (NY: Trident Press). It’s one of the outstanding spy novels of the decade and I commend it to all.

Cliff, second but not least: Later than intended, I at least deal with the question of the bowdlerisation of the Times of Vietnam’s edition of 2 September 1963, as promised in my previous post to you.

I begin with a book published in 2005. A picture of its cover features in Debra’s presentation, and she makes reference to its author in the post above. Written by the son of the CIA station chief Starnes named in ‘Arrogant’ CIA Disobeys Orders In Vietnam, My Father The Spy: An Investigative Memoir (NY: HarperCollins) represented a return to an old and mendacious line of Agency attack on the Scripps-Howard man. Here is John H. Richardson fils on the Times of Vietnam’s detailed expose of the thwarted CIA coup of 28/29 August, as posted earlier in this thread. It is to Richardson fils’ credit that he reproduces his father’s acknowledgement of its accuracy. There, honesty ends:

“I have a copy of that newspaper, its angry headline spanning the entire front page: CIA FINANCING PLANNED COUP D’ETAT. Although it didn’t actually use my father’s name…” (p.187).

Stop right there. It did, as well shall shortly see. The trouble is, the version to be found today in both the Chicago-based Centre for Research Libraries, and the British Newspaper Library at Colindale, is not the original. What became of that? Two veteran China Lobby propagandists, Stephen Pan and the Jesuit Daniel Lyons, explained its fate in 1966: “All of the copies of the paper disappeared from the newstands within a few hours…and when 6,000 more copies were reprinted on September 9, they, too, disappeared almost immediately…That night the presses were smashed by unknown forces.” (Vietnam Crisis (NY: Twin Circle Books, second edition, July 1967), p.121).

I offer four very different sources, spread across three decades, for my claim that Richardson’s name did appear in the CIA-suppressed original. To begin in the 1970s, with Polish diplomat, and International Control Commission member, Mieczyslaw Maneli: “In the first version of this article, as I learned later, there was even a mention of the high CIA officials who engineered this conspiracy. According to the information I gathered in Saigon, it mentioned the name of Mr. Richardson, allegedly chief of the CIA in South Vietnam, who masterminded the abortive coup. It was allegedly Mme. Nhu who ordered them to drop this name from the article. I had the opportunity in Saigon to read one of the first versions of this article...” (Mieczyslaw Maneli. War of the Vanquished (NY: Harper & Row, 1971), p. 143.)

John Prados offered confirmation in his 2001 study of William Colby: “The station chief’s name [Richardson’s] appeared, first in the Times of Vietnam, then in articles in the United States” (Lost Crusader: The Secret Wars of CIA Director William Colby (Oxford UP, March 2003), p.122).

We can do even better. Here is Diem-critic Stanley Karnow writing within a month of 'Arrogant' CIA's publication: “All this might have remained secret had not Nhu, learning of the attempt against Diem’s regime, publicized the ‘plot’ by foreign elements.’ Vietnamese newspapers named Richardson as the leader of the operation, and Washington recalled him.” (“U.S. Still Divided On Viet-Nam Aims,” Washington Post, 31 October 1963, p.A20).

My final witness is Dick Starnes. In late February 1964, he despatched a Scripps-Howard researcher to the State Department in successful pursuit of copy. There it was, Richardson’s name. He was moved to seek confirmation of its presence as a consequence of the following attack, launched by our old friend Dodd of Connecticut on the Senate floor: “The propaganda campaign against the CIA reached a crescendo during the recent Vietnamese crisis. Last October 4, an article by a correspondent for an American newspaper chain charged that the CIA had been subverting State Department policy in Viet Nam, and that John Richardson, the CIA man in Saigon, had openly refused to carry out instructions from Ambassador Lodge.

The correspondent who wrote this article was guilty of openly identifying a CIA representative abroad, thus reducing his potential usefulness forever. Visiting Congressmen and members of the press may sometimes know the identity of the CIA representative but it has been take for granted that they do not reveal his identity to the public.

To the best of my knowledge, this was the first instance in which an American correspondent has been guilty of this flagrant breach of the ethics of security.”

Starnes responded to Dodd’s farrago with this tour de force:

The Washington Daily News, March 4, 1964, p.35

Over to You, Senator

A spirited – if maundering and contradictory – defense of the Central Intelligence Agency’s role in Viet Nam has been uttered by Sen. Thomas J. Dodd (D., Conn.).

Altho he prudently avoided using my name, Sen. Dodd’s speech unmistakably was an attack upon me for reporting the truth about the CIA’s headlong wilfulness in Viet Nam. The speech was long-winded and tedious, which is par for the course, and it was also essentially untrue. It betrayed a man who either is disingenuous or whose memory has played him false.

He complained to the Senate that “baiting the CIA almost seems to have achieved the stature of a popular national pastime.” He cited my dispatches from Saigon last October, and he alluded to two subsequent broadsides against the CIA levelled by “distinguished members of Congress.” He neglected to include in his indictment a well-reasoned attack on the CIA made recently by former President Harry Truman, who repeated and enlarged upon my well-founded charges that the huge espionage apparatus had strayed into operational and policy-making areas where it did not belong. Sen. Dodd’s motives in slighting Mr. Truman is unknown to me, and may well be nothing more than additional evidence of eclectic memory.

In his speech, the Senator and erstwhile FBI agent warned that these attacks upon the CIA are “highly dangerous,” and added: “Whether the critics realize it or not, these charges also constitute an attack on the wisdom and integrity of both President Eisenhower and President Kennedy. It is tantamount to accusing them of passively allowing an executive agency to function without control or supervision; and to make foreign policy – in other words, to usurp the President’s own authority. This is patently ridiculous. Neither President would have ever permitted such a thing.”

Here regard for historical truth impels one to remind the Senator that he himself repeated strikingly similar charges, “patently ridiculous” or not, less than four years ago.

I quote now from a press release issued by the Senate Internal Security Sub-committee for use Sunday, Sept. 11, 1960:

“’Cuba was handed to Castro and the communists by a combination of Americans in the same way that China was handed to the communists,’” Senators James O. Eastland (D., Miss.) and Thomas J. Dodd (D., Conn.) said today in releasing the testimony of two former United States Ambassadors.”

The two envoys were Earl T. Smith, who was US Ambassador to Havana when Castro rose to power, and Arthur Gardner, his immediate predecessor. Again the press release:

“The Senators drew particular attention to this statement of Ambassador Smith.

“’We helped overthrow the Batista dictatorship which was pro-American, only to install the Castro dictatorship, which is pro-Russian.

According to former Ambassador Smith, the agencies of the United States Government which ‘had a hand in bringing pressure to overthrow the Batista government’ were ‘certain influential people, influential sources in the State Department, lower down echelons in the CIA…”

These charges, of course, were not ridiculous.

Ambassador Smith is a distinguished financier and public official. He levelled his charges against the CIA in sworn testimony before the Internal Security sub-committee, on Aug. 30, 1960, Sen. Dodd, among others, present. Ambassador Smith enlarged upon his charges in a book (previously quoted here at some length) entitled “The Fourth Floor,” which was published by Random House two years ago. Both his testimony, which was accepted at face value and broadcast by Sen. Dodd, and his book made it plain that the CIA, indeed, had run contrary to American interests, had helped boost Castro into power, had made policy, or attempted to, and, in one instance, had been openly rebellious and insulting toward Ambassador Smith.

So much for Sen. Dodd’s own excursion into what I am afraid he would now deride as dangerous CIA baiting.

In his speech two weeks ago, Sen. Dodd laid two charges against me. Both are false and dastardly, both are of a piece with the CIA’s record for crude intimidation of reporters who undertake its lunatic growth and hunger for power.

CHARGE: A dispatch of mine identified and thus destroyed the usefulness of one John Richardson, the CIA’s then “station chief” in Saigon.

TRUTH: Mr. Richardson’s identity and role in Saigon were secrets from no one – except American newspaper readers. He was widely known as the CIA’s chief resident spook in Saigon. It is inconceivable that in a few days digging, I could discover information not long known to Ho Chi Minh’s espionage network.

CHARGE: My dispatches violated a gentleman’s agreement to protect the identity of CIA agents.

TRUTH: I am party to no agreement to hide facts from American taxpayers and parents when I am sure the enemy knows them.

CHARGE: Striking at the CIA is like hitting a man ‘who has his hands tied behind his back…the agency cannot confirm or deny published reports, true or false, favourable or unfavourable. It cannot alibi. It cannot explain. It cannot answer…

TRUTH: Baloney. Ask any reporter who has hung one on the CIA’s solid Spode chin. Few editors with guts enough to hire honest reporters have not had plaintive and/or outraged phone calls from CIA Director John McCone and his predecessors. And, indeed, Sen. Dodd’s own apologia disproves him. The voice is Sen. Dodd’s, but I’ve got a powerful hunch the words are Mr. McCone’s.

John H. Richardson fils used the CIA’s suppression of the original edition of the Times of Vietnam’s CIA Financing Planned Coup D’Etat to fashion a lie: Starnes’ identification of his father a month later came as a “bombshell” (p.197) that “stunned and dismayed” (p.198) the veteran CIA man who had, of course, as we have seen, been named a mere month earlier by the Times of Vietnam.

The revival of this ancient anti-Starnes canard had a distinctly contemporary – and distinctly Mockingbirdish –purpose. Richardson fils parleyed the lie into a piece for the NYT in which he solemnly averred that the fiendish outing of Valerie Plame Wilson had precedent, and that precedent was Starnes’ outing of Richardson’s father way back in 1963 (“The Spy Left Out In The Cold,” NYT, 7 August 2005). “The past telescopes into the future,” one of Richardson pere’s patrons, James Angleton, is famously reported to have observed. The process manifestly runs both ways.

As ever, the NYT printed the CIA-serving lie.

P.S. Was John H. Richardson really Nhu’s bosom pal, as so many claim? Not according to those aforementioned veteran China lobbyists, Stephen Pan & Daniel Lyons, SJ: "From 1957 to 1960, Diem's brother…co-operated very closely with the representatives of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in Saigon…Nhu had good friends with the CIA in Saigon, but the CIA replaced them with men who were unfriendly to him..." (Vietnam Crisis (NY: Twin Circle Publishing Co. Inc, July1966; this edition March 1967), p. 105).


Here's Richardson the younger's NY Times article:

http://tinyurl.com/h3t84

Here's Richardson the elder's cable making the case for a coup August 28, 1963.

http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/pentagon2/doc129.htm

Young Richardson refers to Starnes as "obscure" -- interesting way to describe
a guy who won the Ernie Pyle Award for excellence in military/foreign-affairs
journalism in 1962...
Cliff Varnell
QUOTE (Debra Conway @ Aug 2 2006, 04:30 PM) *
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Aug 2 2006, 11:00 PM) *


As for the rest of your post, I disagree fundamentally. Before doing so, however, I owe you the basic courtesy of scrutinizing and digesting your work. There is, perhaps, much I could learn from it. I'll do that tomorrow night when I have regained the feeling in my outer extremities, fingers in particular.

Best wishes,

Paul


Paul,

Let me back up and regroup. I do not think the articles on the CIA were necessarily false. Most of it was right on -- what I was trying to say was that Lodge wasn't exposing the CIA's behavior and practices because he had a golden heart and mind, it was because he coveted what Richardson had -- his own little kingdom.

I've added many of my source files here: http://www.jfklancer.com/dallas05/ppt/conway/

Please feel free to check them out.

Best,

Debra


Debra, the original Washington Daily News headlines are much appreciated,
along with everything else!



I agree with you that the Diem coup was directed from State.

Like many things American, there's a Prom Queen analogy...

Both CIA and the State Dept wanted to date the Prom Queen (overthrow of Diem).

Richardson (CIA) struck out in the summer of '63.

So State took the Prom Queen out and CIA had to drive the limo...
Paul Rigby
Young Richardson refers to Starnes as "obscure" -- interesting way to describe
a guy who won the Ernie Pyle Award for excellence in military/foreign-affairs
journalism in 1962...
[/quote]

Cliff,

As you rightly imply, Richardson’s abuse of Starnes was puerile stuff. It told the reader much about its author, and nothing whatever about its intended target. To more rewarding things.

For readers of this thread interested in examining Starnes’ prize-winning journalism from the summer of 1962, either through the Library of Congress (in person, or through its excellent duplication service) or via inter-library loan, here is useful guide. All items listed are from the Washington Daily News, as held by the LoC.

It’s profoundly patriotic stuff, in a style not a million miles away from that of, say, Richard Tregaskis, whose own Vietnam Diary (NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963) did well in the period.

In a few short years, Starnes’ own flesh and blood was to occupy the uniform he briefly shared billets with in Vietnam, Laos and Thailand. For an early journalistic opponent of subsequent U.S. policy in the region, these were to prove dark and fearful years indeed.

June, 1962

The Stakes Are High in Vietnam, 11 June 1962, p.27
Viet Nam Frustrations, 12 June 1962, p.19
We Can Be Proud of GIs in Viet Nam, 13 June 1962, p.37
It’ll Be Good to Be With Marines Again, 14 June 1962, p.31
Here Is Where the Cold War Becomes Warm, 15 June 1962, p.33
A Daring Adventure Is About to Begin, 18 June 1962, p.21
It Was a Polished, Expert Performance, 19 June 1962, p.19
Eyes That Would Break Your Heart, 20 June 1962, p.37
A Hot One Near Ben Cat, 21 June 1962, p.29
Family Man in a Nasty Little War, 22 June 1962, p.25
A Nation With a Mess on it’s Hands, 23 June 1962, p.11
Viet Cong Guerillas Are Tough, 25 June 1962, p.25
A Two-Headed Mouse, 26 June 1962, p.17
We Are Seeing a ‘Nutritional Migration,’ 27 June 1962, p.29
The Sweet Old ‘Round Eyes’ Understood, 28 June 1962, p.13
New Coalition Alarms South Viet Namese, 29 June 1962, p.29
U.S. Inches Ahead in Drive to Save South Viet Nam, 30 June 1962, p.12

July, 1962

Enough to Make Anyone’s Liver Start to Bang, 2 July 1962, p.21
Little Girl in Big Job, 3 July 1962, p.15
If You’re Really ‘Au Fait,’ the Game is ‘CIA,’ 4 July 1962, p.15
Anna Wouldn’t Know Siam, 5 July 1962, p.27
Cobras Come With the Rain, 7 July 1962, p.9
An Elephantine Disaster…Well, Almost, 9 July 1962, p.23
’14 Can Be a Troubled Sort of Age, 11 July 1962, p.29
They Never Learned to Hate, 12 July 1962, p.43
‘Happy As A Dead Hog in the Sunshine,’ 13 July 1962, p.27
Wolfhound’s Morale Sags, 14 July 1962, p.9
When Reds Will Strike Is Big Thailand Poser, 16 July 1962, p.17
Like Something in a Midway ‘Crazy House…,’ 17 July 1962, p.17
Long Shot Chance in Laos, 18 July 1962, p.31
A Shoeshine Boy Brings Home a Basic Truth, 19 July 1962, p.31
Perhaps a Few ‘Pipes’ Might Have Helped, 20 July 1962, p.29
Made for Mystery, 21 July 1962, p.13
Big Question in Laos, 23 July 1962, p.19
It Has Been a Painful Lesson in Laos, 24 July 1962, p.15
Saga of the Willowy Ton, 25 July 1962, p.37
It Was Like the Taste of Burnt Caramel, 26 July 1962, p.29
A Sense of Foreboding, 28 July 1962, p.11
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Debra Conway @ Aug 2 2006, 05:52 PM) *
Richardson Sr., a long time CIA official, seemed to feel Diem was a workable solution -- Lodge did not. The result is now history -- the overthrow and assassination of Diem and his brother.


A sidebar on the question of Lodge and his role in Saigon in the period August-November 1963.

I thought it might be interesting to see what an identified CIA asset had to say about him more or less contemporaneously. One example was ready to hand, courtesy of Pan & Lyons’ Vietnam Crisis.

In that riveting tome, the authors offer an alleged verbatim extract from an interview with Nhu conducted by Suzanne Labin, the French “leftist” who enjoyed the somewhat surprising distinction of being permitted to address Pentagon high-fliers; and of having had at least one book - The Anthill: The Human Condition in Communist China - subsidised by the Agency through its best-known publishing arm, Praeger of New York, in 1960.

Labin attributes the following to Nhu: “His political views seemed to be dominated by the fashionable decrees of Linus Pauling in the New York Times, and the neutralist preachings of Walter Lippmann in the New York Herald-Tribune.” Labin goes on to offer the classic Agency line on Lodge’s role, as supposedly recounted unbidden by Nhu, that renowned master of colloquial English: “Lodge never stopped working against us, with the cocksureness that a representative of a colonial power might have evinced, thirty years ago toward protectorate…Lodge does not bother with the normal business of an Ambassador, which would be to galvanize and to strengthen the friendship between our two governments. No, his only care is to intrigue against the legal government to which he has been accredited.” (Stephen Pan & Daniel Lyons, SJ. Vietnam Crisis (NY: Twin Circle Books, 1967 edition, p.117), citing Suzann Labin. Vietnam: An Eyewitness Account (Springfield, VA: Crestwood Books ), 1964, pp.34-35.)

Interesting to note that Labin’s 1965 book, Embassies of Subversion (New York: American Afro-Asian Educational Exchange), carried a forward by one Thomas J. Dodd, the same Senator who, as we have seen, attacked Starnes at the CIA’s behest in February 1964. In early March 1963, Dodd had entered a gushing tribute to the CIA asset into the Congressional Record. It went by the modest title "Suzanne Labin: Joan of Arc of Freedom" (Congressional Record, 1963 March 4).

You couldn’t make this up.

Labin and Daniel Lyons were themselves to collaborate on Twin Circle’s 1968 book, Fifty Years: The USSR vs. The USA.

Small world, indeed.
Paul Rigby
The view of the State v. CIA war in Vietnam embodied in Starnes’ ‘Arrogant’ CIA was to receive powerful corroboration in the pages of The Times, then still the house-organ of the British elite. On Macmillan’s last day in No.10, it offered a succinct summary of the forces in play and what they represented. British historians, it should be noted, have spent over forty years avoiding this and similar meditations on the CIA under Kennedy in the Times 1961-63. More fool them.

The capitalisation follows the original.

The Times, Tuesday, 8 October 1963, p.13:

Second leader

An Elusive Agency

President Kennedy’s failure to control the political activities of the Central Intelligence Agency has been one of the more disappointing and mysterious aspects of his Administration. It is to be hoped that his belated recall of MR. RICHARDSON, the head of the C.I.A. mission in South Vietnam, is a sign of a new determination to exert the full political control which the agency so badly needs. Few things damage a country more than if its representatives on the spot appear to be at odds with each other.

The Cuban fiasco provided a unique opportunity to reassess the role of the C.I.A. The evidence of Laos and South Vietnam is that the opportunity was fumbled. (In Laos two years ago the C.I.A. was still opposing the neutralist coalition some time after PRESIDENT KENNEDY had formally endorsed it.) It is important, however, that the C.I.A. should not become a scapegoat for what are often the sins of the Government. Its involvement with NGO DINH DIEM’S family in Vietnam was encouraged by the absence of clear direction from Washington. The American Government was split over the proper policy for Vietnam, and in the resulting cleavage the State Department went one way and some of the C.I.A., with some of the Pentagon, another. There should have been especially keen vigilance over the C.I.A., for it is well known that many members of its staff are out of sympathy with the basic assumptions of the Administration’s policies, as they were not, on the whole, in the days of MR. DULLES.

The difficulty that has always dogged the C.I.A. is that it is basically inimical to American traditions, and the country has been unable to assimilate it. Born out of the shock of Pearl Harbour, it found its present name in 1947. The original intention was that it should confine itself to the collection and evaluation of information, and many think it should return to this pristine state. It outgrew the restrictions almost by accident. The State Department was weak in staff and funds, and American policy demanded methods that were not compatible with normal diplomacy. Gradually MR. JOHN FOSTER DULLES found that he could sometimes act more effectively through his brother ALLEN, then head of the C.I.A., than through his own department. Repeated attempts to subject the agency to Congressional control stumbled on the obvious need for secrecy. Secrecy would disappear in the open arenas of American political life. At the same time the Dulles fraternity inhibited control by the Executive. The result was a new and secret kingdom which combined the collection of information with the formulation and the execution of policy.

After the Bay of Pigs PRESIDENT KENNEDY tried to restore the making of policy to the State Department, local authority to his ambassadors, and most operational responsibilities to the Pentagon. He has had some success with these reforms, but not enough. The recent troubles have already revived demands for more Congressional control, and some increase may be possible. In the end, however, only one person is in a position to exert full control, and that is the President himself.
Ashton Gray
QUOTE (Debra Conway @ Aug 2 2006, 11:52 AM) *
Richardson Sr., a long time CIA official, seemed to feel Diem was a workable solution -- Lodge did not. The result is now history -- the overthrow and assassination of Diem and his brother. In this case, the CIA did not run this operation, it was run from the State Department.


Hi, Ms. Conway.

Would you be kind enough to factor in the $40,000 paid to the coupers by Lucien Conein, and perhaps explain how the State Department managed it?

Ta.

Ashton Gray
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Aug 8 2006, 12:23 AM) *
The Times, Tuesday, 8 October 1963, p.13:

Second leader

An Elusive Agency

The American Government was split over the proper policy for Vietnam, and in the resulting cleavage the State Department went one way and some of the C.I.A., with some of the Pentagon, another. There should have been especially keen vigilance over the C.I.A., for it is well known that many members of its staff are out of sympathy with the basic assumptions of the Administration’s policies, as they were not, on the whole, in the days of MR. DULLES.


Starnes returned to the subject of the CIA's catastrophic conduct in south-east Asia on the eve of Kennedy's murder. The country was Cambodia, where Sihanouk had been the object, as with Diem in neighbouring Vietnam, of repeated Agency assassination attempts well before Kennedy reached the White House. Note the sharp distinction drawn yet again by Starnes between State Department policy and that pursued by the Dullesians of Langley.

The New York World-Telegram & Sun, Thursday, 21 November 1963 p.25

CIA and Decay

The decay of the American bridgehead on the mainland of Asia continues with news that the unlikely kingdom of Cambodia has spurned military and economic aid from the United States.

This represents a sharp defeat for American policy in Southeast Asia, certainly a disaster comparable to the loss of Laos, and it contains ominous portents for the future.

Once again the Central Intelligence Agency is credited with playing a role in a calamitous undoing of American aims. Once the conditioned reflexes of the State Department have produced an instant denial that the Ivy League spooks of the CIA had anything to do with it.

These reflexes are inherently incredible, of course. There is a rich and growing literature showing that too often the State Department doesn't know what the patient plotters of the CIA are doing. Moreover, Cambodia's Prince Norodom Sihanouk, as vain and bombastic as he is, is not stupid. He is no more likely to eviscerate Santa Claus than any other money-hungry Oriental despot is - unless he has what seems to be compelling reason. The State Department may not believe the CIA was conspiring in the downfall of Sihanouk, but the prince thought so.

Such is the neurotic haze of secrecy under which the CIA coils and writhes that the specimen American lawgiver (to say nothing of the ordinary taxpayer) will never know the truth about America's defeat in Cambodia. But never doubt for a moment that it is a defeat, and a resounding one. If Viet Nam, Thailand and Laos are worth the lives and money we have so recklessly dedicated to them, then so is Prince Norodom's flyblown little kingdom.

The United States has spent more than $350 million (plus what ever clandestine appropriations the CIA has devoted to the country) in an attempt to keep Cambodia from swinging completely into the Communist orbit. At best all we got for our money was a precarious neutrality, while Sihanouk gleefully played East and West off against each other with all the oily skill of a chop suey tycoon playing fan-tan. It takes no great prescience to understand that freed of any restraints from the West, Sihanouk will zoom straight for the candle flame held out by Communist China.

The capture of Cambodia, like Laos' similar fate, may not be ratified for some time. But when it is, it will require only a moment of map reading to understand what has happened: Communist China now has a clear corridor from her borders to the Gulf of Siam. South Viet Nam is now flanked from the west, beleaguered from the north, surrounded by totally hostile neighbours and pinned against the sea. Thailand is just as ill-used. Malaysia is jeopardized; so it the sprawling, lunatic empire of Indonesia.

To be sure, no one who has seen the miserable, almost impassable mountains, jungles and swamps of the Laotian-Cambodian corridor expects the people's army of China to go rolling down to the sea any time soon. But inexorably the Chinese Communist cadres will infest the countryside, subvert it, and bend it to Peking's grand designs.

It is, of course, difficult to assay the CIA' s function in all of this. Dismiss, for the sake of argument, Sihanouk's proofs of CIA plotting against him as the paranoiac ravings of an uneasy tyrant. The fact remains that the United States secret, wholly unaccountable spy bureaucracy had carte blanche in Cambodia, had unlimited resources, and failed. It not only failed to keep Cambodia out of the Communist orbit, it provided Sihanouk with an excuse to cast out the last vestiges of American influence.

All this, in the Orwellian language of Washington's CIA stiffs, will be cited as more evidence of the sad truth that the spooks get lumps every time the United States takes a licking, but never get credit for its mysterious, unknown feats of derring-do. The CIA remains above the battle of agencies which have to account for themselves. Only from time to time (and at times like this), its well-bred murmur is heard in the expense clubs in the nation's capital, explaining why it cannot be held accountable to democratic processes, as all our other great organs of government, secret and overt, are.
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Aug 10 2006, 11:57 PM) *
The New York World-Telegram & Sun, Thursday, 21 November 1963 p.25

CIA and Decay

by Richard Starnes

The decay of the American bridgehead on the mainland of Asia continues with news that the unlikely kingdom of Cambodia has spurned military and economic aid from the United States.

This represents a sharp defeat for American policy in Southeast Asia, certainly a disaster comparable to the loss of Laos, and it contains ominous portents for the future.

Once again the Central Intelligence Agency is credited with playing a role in a calamitous undoing of American aims. Once the conditioned reflexes of the State Department have produced an instant denial that the Ivy League spooks of the CIA had anything to do with it.

These reflexes are inherently incredible, of course. There is a rich and growing literature showing that too often the State Department doesn't know what the patient plotters of the CIA are doing. Moreover, Cambodia's Prince Norodom Sihanouk, as vain and bombastic as he is, is not stupid. He is no more likely to eviscerate Santa Claus than any other money-hungry Oriental despot is - unless he has what seems to be compelling reason. The State Department may not believe the CIA was conspiring in the downfall of Sihanouk, but the prince thought so....

It is, of course, difficult to assay the CIA' s function in all of this. Dismiss, for the sake of argument, Sihanouk's proofs of CIA plotting against him as the paranoiac ravings of an uneasy tyrant. The fact remains that the United States secret, wholly unaccountable spy bureaucracy had carte blanche in Cambodia, had unlimited resources, and failed. It not only failed to keep Cambodia out of the Communist orbit, it provided Sihanouk with an excuse to cast out the last vestiges of American influence.


Extract from Shadow on a Dry Light:

In February 1959, Cambodia police broke up the Dap Chhuon plot and fingered Victor Matsui, a CIA officer working under light diplomatic cover at the Phnom Penh embassy(1), as the co-ordinating agent(2). In late August of the same year, a bomb blast at the royal palace in Phnom Penh killed the protocol minister(3). The following month, Diem reached a modus vivendi with Sihanouk, despite the attempts of Viet-Nam Presse, the official Saigon news bulletin, to sabotage the deal(4).

(1)Michael Field. The Prevailing Wind: Witness in Indo-China (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1965), p.213, citing the French-language newspaper Realites Cambodgiennes, 19 September 1959.

(2)Mona K. Bitar, “Bombs, Plots and Allies: Cambodia and the Western Powers, 1958-59,” p. 162, within Richard J. Aldrich, Gary Rawnsley, and Ming-Yeh Rawnsley (Eds.), “Special Issue on the Clandestine Cold War in Asia, 1945-65: Western Intelligence, Propaganda and Special Operations,” Intelligence and National Security, Winter 1999 (Vol. 14, No. 4).

(3)“Friends of Former Envoy Questioned,” The Times, 3 September 1959, p.8.

(4)Bernard Fall, “Cambodia’s International Position,” Current History, March 1961 (Vol.40, No.235), p.167.
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Cliff Varnell @ Jul 31 2006, 11:19 AM) *
Here's Kennedy describing the Diem over-throw three days after it occured:

http://www.whitehousetapes.org/clips/1963_...nam_memoir.html

(quote on)

President Kennedy: Opposed to the coup was General [Maxwell] Taylor, the
Attorney General [Robert Kennedy], Secretary [Robert] McNamara to a somewhat
lesser degree, John McCone, partly based on an old hostility to [Henry Cabot] Lodge
[Jr.] which causes him to lack confidence in Lodge's judgement, partly as a result
of a new hostility because Lodge shifted his [CIA] station chief; in favor of the
coup was State, led by Averell Harriman, George Ball, Roger Hilsman, supported
by Mike Forrestal at the White House.


Cliff,

Were McCone and Colby really opposed to the November coup – er, the one in Vietnam, that is - as so many U.S. historians have sought to convince us? One interested party certainly didn’t think so - the Diem government. In a fascinating piece in the Times of Vietnam on 19 September 1963, under the headline “Pardon, CIA, Your Split Is Showing” (p.1), we find the following:

“There is now a campaign to whitewash the CIA’s costly blunder…

The Washington Post on September 17, said, ‘CIA Director John A. McCone and his assistant for Asia, William Colby, former agency head in South Viet Nam, reportedly have great confidence in the Diem-Nhu regime.’

It did not explain why, if this true, these two persons claimed to be responsible for CIA activities authorized the financing of the planned coup d’etat, and why they continue to permit the financing of continued activities aimed at overthrowing the Government of Viet Nam.”

The Washington Post whitewashing the Agency's role in a coup? Unthinkable.
Paul Rigby
[/quote]

Paul,

Let me back up and regroup. I do not think the articles on the CIA were necessarily false. Most of it was right on -- what I was trying to say was that Lodge wasn't exposing the CIA's behavior and practices because he had a golden heart and mind, it was because he coveted what Richardson had -- his own little kingdom.

Best,

Debra

[/quote]

Debra,

I forgot to post this explicit denial by Starnes that Lodge was his source for Richardson's name and role. Apologies for the oversight.

QUOTE
The New York World-Telegram & Sun, Tuesday, 24 December 1963, p.13

Truman and the CIA

The murmuring chorus of Americans who are deeply concerned with the growing power and headlong wilfulness of the Central Intelligence Agency has been joined by former President Truman.

Mr. Truman must be accounted an expert witness in this matter, because it was under his administration that the CIA came into being. In a copyrighted article he wrote recently that the CIA had strayed wide of the purposes for which he had organized it.

"It has," he wrote, "become an operational and at times a policy-making arm of the government. This has led to trouble and may have compounded our difficulties in several explosive areas."

For writing substantially the same thing from South Viet Nam last fall, this reporter was (and still is) subjected to a calculated behind-the-scenes campaign of opprobrium at the hands of the CIA. So, indeed, has the United States' ambassador to Saigon been subjected to the same sort of behind-the-hand attack, on the theory that he was the source of my account of the CIA's heedless bureaucratic arrogance in Saigon.

Mr. Lodge, it is now charged by CIA apologists, destroyed the effectiveness of one of the CIA's most skilful agents. It is also charged that this reporter violated a gentleman's agreement in naming the agent.

Both charges are false, meaching and disingenuous.

The name of the agent, hurriedly summoned home from Saigon within 24 hours of my account of his stewardship of the huge spook operations, was John Richardson. In my several conversations with Ambassador Lodge, Richardson's name never passed between us.

It was, indeed, not necessary for any wayfaring journals to go to any such exalted figures to descry the activities of the CIA's station chief in Saigon. Richardson, a frequent visitor at the presidential palace and a close adviser to the devious and powerful Ngo Dinh Nhu, was widely known in the Vietnamese capital. Until Mr. Lodge replaced Frederick Nolting as ambassador, most knowledgeable Americans and sophisticated Vietnamese regarded Richardson as the most powerful foreigner in Viet Nam.

It is nonsense to say that Lodge destroyed Richardson's value as a CIA agent. In Saigon, Richardson was as clandestine as a calliope with a full head of steam. It is, moreover, a libel to allege (as high CIA officials have alleged) that this reporter violated an agreement to shield Richardson's identity. In all my assiduous inquiries about the man, never once was it suggested that there was an agreement to keep his identity secret. If there had been any such agreement, I would, of course, have respected it even though it would have been plainly absurd in view of Richardson's notoriety.

This is, unfortunately, more than a parochial dispute between a reporter and a writhing, unlovely bureaucracy. The President of the United States himself has been misled by the CIA mythology regarding just how and by whom Richardson's utility as chief resident spook was destroyed. Neither Lodge nor any journalist cast Richardson in his role in Saigon. If CIA chief John McCone really believes that his man in Saigon was compromised by my dispatches (and presumably he does believe this or he would not have planted and cultivated the tale as thoroughly as he has) then he does not know what is going on in the huge, bumbling apparatus he nominally leads.

Mr. Truman knows whereof he speaks. Wise in the ways of malignant bureaucracy, he knows that unfettered and unaccountable power such as is vested in the CIA is bound to feed upon itself until it poses a threat to the very free institutions it was founded to safeguard. No man alive knows the enormous power that is now vested in the CIA, nor the wealth it dispenses, nor the policy it makes. Most people in government would be appalled if they knew that already the CIA has overflowed its huge new headquarters building in McLean, Va., but it is fact that it has done.

There is far, far too much about the CIA that is unknown to far too many Americans. We will, occasionally and from time to time, twang this same sackbut. It is not a pretty tune it plays, but it is an important one.


Best wishes,

Paul
Paul Rigby
QUOTE
The Washington Daily News, Wednesday, October 2, 1963, p.3

'SPOOKS' MAKE LIFE MISERABLE FOR AMBASSADOR LODGE

'Arrogant' CIA Disobeys Orders in Viet Nam

SAIGON, Oct.2 - The story of the Central Intelligence Agency's role in South Viet Nam is a dismal chronicle of bureaucratic arrogance, obstinate disregard of orders, and unrestrained thirst for power.

Twice the CIA flatly refused to carry out instructions from Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, according to a high United States source here.

In one of these instances the CIA frustrated a plan of action Mr. Lodge brought with him from Washington because the agency disagreed with it.

This led to a dramatic confrontation between Mr. Lodge and John Richardson, chief of the huge CIA apparatus here. Mr. Lodge failed to move Mr. Richardson, and the dispute was bucked back to Washington. Secretary of State Dean Rusk and CIA Chief John A. McCone were unable to resolve the conflict, and the matter is now reported to be awaiting settlement by President Kennedy.

It is one of the developments expected to be covered in Defense Secretary Robert McNamara's report to Mr. Kennedy.

Others Critical, Too

Other American agencies here are incredibly bitter about the CIA.

"If the United States ever experiences a 'Seven Days in May' it will come from the CIA, and not from the Pentagon," one U.S. official commented caustically.

("Seven Days in May" is a fictional account of an attempted military coup to take over the U.S. Government.)

CIA "spooks" (a universal term for secret agents here) have penetrated every branch of the American community in Saigon, until non-spook Americans here almost seem to be suffering a CIA psychosis.

An American field officer with a distinguished combat career speaks angrily about "that man at headquarters in Saigon wearing a colonel's uniform." He means the man is a CIA agent, and he can't understand what he is doing at U.S. military headquarters here, unless it is spying on other Americans.

Another American officer, talking about the CIA, acidly commented: "You'd think they'd have learned something from Cuba but apparently they didn't."

Few Know CIA Strength

Few people other than Mr. Richardson and his close aides know the actual CIA strength here, but a widely used figure is 600. Many are clandestine agents known only to a few of their fellow spooks.

Even Mr. Richardson is a man about whom it is difficult to learn much in Saigon. He is said to be a former OSS officer, and to have served with distinction in the CIA in the Philippines.

A surprising number of the spooks are known to be involved in their ghostly trade and some make no secret of it.

"There are a number of spooks in the U.S. Information Service, in the U.S. Operations mission, in every aspect of American official and commercial life here, " one official - presumably a non-spook - said.

"They represent a tremendous power and total unaccountability to anyone," he added.

Coupled with the ubiquitous secret police of Ngo Dinh Nhu, a surfeit of spooks has given Saigon an oppressive police state atmosphere.

The Nhu-Richardson relationship is a subject of lively speculation. The CIA continues to pay the special forces which conducted brutal raids on Buddhist temples last Aug. 21, altho in fairness it should be pointed out that the CIA is paying these goons for the war against communist guerillas, not Buddhist bonzes (priests).

Hand Over Millions

Nevertheless, on the first of every month, the CIA dutifully hands over a quarter million American dollars to pay these special forces.

Whatever else it buys, it doesn't buy any solid information on what the special forces are up to. The Aug. 21 raids caught top U.S. officials here and in Washington flat-footed.

Nhu ordered the special forces to crush the Buddhist priests, but the CIA wasn't let in on the secret. (Some CIA button men now say they warned their superiors what was coming up, but in any event the warning of harsh repression was never passed to top officials here or in Washington.)

Consequently, Washington reacted unsurely to the crisis. Top officials here and at home were outraged at the news the CIA was paying the temple raiders, but the CIA continued the payments.

It may not be a direct subsidy for a religious war against the country's Buddhist majority, but it comes close to that.

And for every State Department aide here who will tell you, "Dammit, the CIA is supposed to gather information, not make policy, but policy-making is what they're doing here," there are military officers who scream over the way the spooks dabble in military operations.

A Typical Example

For example, highly trained trail watchers are an important part of the effort to end Viet Cong infiltration from across the Laos and Cambodia borders. But if the trailer watchers spot incoming Viet Congs, they report it to the CIA in Saigon, and in the fullness of time, the spooks may tell the military.

One very high American official here, a man who has spent much of his life in the service of democracy, likened the CIA's growth to a malignancy, and added he was not sure even the White House could control it any longer.

Unquestionably Mr. McNamara and Gen. Maxwell Taylor both got an earful from people who are beginning to fear the CIA is becoming a Third Force co-equal with President Diem's regime and the U.S. Government - and answerable to neither.

There is naturally the highest interest here as to whether Mr. McNamara will persuade Mr. Kennedy something ought to be done about it.


A further glimpse of Starnes' key source for 'Arrogant' CIA is perhaps to be found in another magnificent piece from the period. Here he is pouring scorn on the composition of the Warren Commission in mid-December 1963:

QUOTE
The New York World-Telegram & Sun, Wednesday, December 11, 1963, p.49

Light On a Shadow

By Richard Starnes

A small, but possibly significant, insight into ourselves as others see us is to be obtained in reading an account of Fidel Castro's reaction to the news that the American President had been murdered.

He was, of course, deeply concerned with the nature of his new adversary - Lyndon B. Johnson. Writing in the current New Republic, Jean Daniel, who was with Castro when he heard of Mr. Kennedy's assassination, reports that the Cuban dictator asked:

"Who is Lyndon Johnson? What is his reputation? What were his relations with Kennedy? With Khrushchev? What was his position at the time of the attempted invasion of Cuba?"

The: "What authority does he exercise over the CIA?"

Shielded as they are from the realities of life, Americans are easy to placate and reassure on the score of such cloudy organisms as the Central Intelligence Agency. Not so, however, are sophisticated foreigners, particularly foreigners against whom the CIA is waging war. Castro falls within this category.

The unlikely figure of Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia is another alien princeling whose thoughts are much with the shadowy spooks of the CIA. So much so, indeed, that he turned off the U.S. foreign aid spigot that had poured $355 million into his country, chucked out the U.S. aid mission and U.S. military advisers, and may have condemned his country to the gravitational lure of Communist China - all because he believed the CIA was assisting rebels seeking to overthrow him.

It is possible to reject the maunderings of such as Sihanouk and Castro. But it is not so easy to turn aside episodes such as a conversation with an American official of high rank (and immense personal prestige) who was at the time stationed in the Far East. We had been talking about the CIA, when he said:

"I have Q security clearance, which is the highest anyone can have, and I thought I pretty much knew what was going on. But I have been appalled by what I've seen here. I seriously question whether President Kennedy himself has any effective control over this monstrous bureaucracy."

Castro's question, then, is perhaps not so foolish as it might first appear to be.

President Johnson may be forgiven if his special commission to examine into the murder of John F. Kennedy seems on sober second thoughts to be a curiously ill-assorted group. He had many problems nagging at him and consuming his time; he unquestionably sought the advice of the Chief Justice, among others, and it is clear now that some of the advice he obtained was poorly considered.

If he had any idea of the tremendous CIA psychosis that is abroad in the world today, he most certainly would not have named Allen W. Dulles to the extraordinary commission. Dulles headed the CIA for eight years, a tenure which spanned such dismal episodes as the U-2 incident and the Bay of Pigs disaster, and he now seems bent on spending his declining years as apologist without portfolio for the huge, bumbling espionage apparatus.

What the meaning of Dulles' appointment is, no one outside the White House knows. But whatever the final judgement of the commission is, it will be looked upon as a product, at least in part, of Dulles' thought processes, conditioned reflexes and rigidly-fixed notions of what is the public's business and what isn't.

In the eyes of foreigners, indeed, Dulles' role in the verdict of the commission will loom larger than life size. He is the only member of the commission (with the exception of Justice Warren) who is widely known abroad. He is known, moreover, as the dean of American spies. His appointment to the commission was not an act designed to reassure those organs of world opinion that are terribly concerned and frightened over what the true significance of the Kennedy assassination may be.


A great many journalists talk about speaking truth to power. Few do it. Dick Starnes did, when it mattered.
Nathaniel Heidenheimer
Paul-- thanks. Always good to read CONTEMPORARY accounts of the struggle between JFK and CIA.

Generally a brave article, but one question re the word "bumbling" in the same sentence as U-2 incident
and Bay of Pigs. As you know there are those who argue that both incidents were staged disasters used
by the CIA to force the Ike and JFK into a corner.

Do you agree with these interpretations of the U-2 and Bay of Pigs incidents?

Did Starnes have access to this interpreation?
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Nathaniel Heidenheimer @ Aug 31 2006, 12:32 AM) *
Paul-- thanks. Always good to read CONTEMPORARY accounts of the struggle between JFK and CIA.

Generally a brave article, but one question re the word "bumbling" in the same sentence as U-2 incident and Bay of Pigs. As you know there are those who argue that both incidents were staged disasters used by the CIA to force the Ike and JFK into a corner.

Do you agree with these interpretations of the U-2 and Bay of Pigs incidents?

Did Starnes have access to this interpretation?


Nat,

Sorry about the delay in responding, but I either missed your reply first time round, or, more likely, got distracted and forgot about any intended reply. Worse, I revisited this thread merely to note with approval David Talbot’s inclusion of Starnes’ ‘Arrogant CIA in Brothers – see pp.217-218 - which arrived this morning. Talbot first describes the despatch as “a remarkable report” (p.217), then as “stunning” (p.218). Extraordinary, is it not, that Talbot could find the piece forty-plus years after the event, while Lane, Weisberg et al never once referenced it in the 60s! Let’s hope a US academic or two is sufficiently emboldened to interview Dick while the chance remains.

A small quibble: Talbot erroneously claims that Richardson, the CIA station-chief in Saigon, was anti-coup at the time of his recall. The truth, of course, not least from Richardson’s own hands (see earlier in the thread), is quite contrary.

And so to your questions from August last:

No, I don’t agree with Dick’s characterisation of the CIA’s role in both the U-2 and Bay of Pigs “incidents” as “bumbling.” But then I suspect this was as far as he thought he could go in the contemporary discourse, certainly in the case of the BoP. Starnes couldn’t jump in at the time, as he was in Israel covering the Eichmann trial, but he did make comment on it, briefly, in The Ugly American Made Even Uglier, 28 April 1961, pp.1&7. He did return to the subject of the BoP, however, in a mid-July 1965 column:

QUOTE
The Washington Daily News, 28 July 1965, p.31

A Shocking Oversight

The disaster of the Bay of Pigs has been illuminated during the last few days by the recollections of two of John F. Kennedy’s principal aides, and by a published interview with the former CIA official who was the chief architect of the invasion.

Theodore C. Sorenson and Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., now disgorging high-priced memoirs in Look and Life respectively, agree in general: After the debacle Mr. Kennedy felt he had been deceived in key points regarding the invasion, and he reproached himself for trusting the “experts.”

But the interview with Richard M. Bissell, Jr., the principal planner of the operation, copyrighted by the Washington Evening Star, reflects none of Mr. Kennedy’s pre-invasion doubts. It is, indeed, a good specimen example of the self-serving, now-let’s-get-my-side-of-it interview with a wounded bureaucrat.

Mr. Bissell professes to believe that the invasion would have had “A damned good chance” of success if air support had not been withdrawn at the last moment.

The Bissell interview contains only one notable insight: The fear that if the invasion was cancelled (A move which Mr. Kennedy was sorely tempted to make) the Cuban exile force (“The most powerful military force between Mexico and Panama”) might run riot throughout Guatemala, Honduras of Nicaragua.

But the truth – a truth that is amply documented and scandalously ignored – is that Mr. Kennedy would not have succeeded in calling off the invasion even if he had tried. The CIA, according to unchallenged testimony that is on the public record, told invasion leaders a few days before the scheduled landing at the Bay of Pigs that it was possible the invasion would be called off by Washington.

If that took place, the CIA’s mysterious “Frank” (who was the chief training officer for the invasion force) told exile leaders, they were to take their CIA shepherds prisoner and go ahead with the planned landing.

This account of contingency treason is contained in interviews with three leaders of the ill-fated Brigade 2506. The interviews were taken by Haynes Johnson and published in his meticulously documented book, “The Bay of Pigs.”

Of all the revelations about the shabby double-dealing that led to a humiliating defeat for the U. S., the planned betrayal of Mr. Kennedy is the most shocking. But equally shocking is the fact that this sensational imputation of disloyalty to a high CIA officer has been completely ignored by Congress, which finds time to investigate everything, and by President Johnson.

The men who made the charge are not irresponsible; indeed, they were the CIA’s choice to lead the invasion. Two of them, Jose Perez San Romain (commanding officer of Brigade 2506) and Erneido Oliva (his deputy), are now officers in the U.S. Army. The third, Manuel Artime, was the civilian leader of the exile force that came to grief at the Bay of Pigs.

The only conclusion that the sensible observer can draw is that the power of the elephantine, unaccountable CIA is now so great that no organism of government dares challenge it, however compelling the circumstances may be.


Starnes on the U-2 incident remains terra incognita: I didn’t have enough spare cash at the time to pay for the necessary copying of Dick’s 1960 columns. I hope to harvest them if I can get to Washington in the autumn.

As to your second question, “Did Starnes have access to this interpretation?,” I can’t answer that, but I’ll certainly put it to him when we next speak. As a general observation, Scripps-Howard group journalists, the one US newspaper group’s to emerge with real credit from the coup’s prelude and aftermath – not that you’ll find S-H execs boasting about this – challenged the consensus chiefly on empirical, not theoretical, grounds: Kantor met Ruby at Parkland, Starnes visited Saigon as the CIA ran amok, Ruark was a hunter and thus thought the Warren Report on ballistics utter baloney, etc. Not until the publication of Sylvan Fox’s Unanswered Questions did this change.

Paul
John Dolva
Starnes Source?
http://www.mdah.state.ms.us/arlib/contents...2|2|1|1|32871|A
(image)
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (John Dolva @ Jun 21 2007, 01:26 AM) *


John,

Mme. Nhu undoubtedly was briefing any journo who would listen, the trouble was, not many of the American kind were, or could afford to, at least, not in 1963, hard on the heels of certain of her less diplomatic offerings.

Starnes wrote of her twice to my knowledge in October ’63, first while in Saigon, then when back in Washington. In chronological order:

QUOTE
New York World-Telegram & Sun, 3 October 1963, p.25

It’s A Dirty War


Saigon – A big fish that wouldn’t die…An old man who died badly in flaming gasoline…The world’s worst newspaper…Oriental despotism and intrigue…Guerilla war…Brave men…And money…lots and lots of good old United States dollars.

These are a few of the ingredients in the dirtiest little war American men have ever been required to fight.

The wonder is not that it is understood so poorly at home, but that there is any understanding at all. Yet it behooves the United States to try to make sense of it.

First, in spite of the dictatorial family rule of Viet Nam, the United States is going to keep on supporting it and trying to do business with it.

Second, and this may be the biggest point of all, no one has any assurance that 16,000 Americans now in Viet Nam, mostly military, are going to be enough. What would the decision be if Ho Chi Minh’s 400,000 regulars poured across the border from North Viet Nam to administer a death blow to President Ngo Dinh Diem’s shaky regime?

That would be Korea all over again, and it would demand the same hard decision: Fight a Korea-size war, or pull out ignominiously.

So let’s start with that fish story. Soon after Viet Nam’s Buddhist crisis erupted, a huge fish was seen in a lake in a northern province. Someone suggested it might be a reincarnation of a long-departed Buddhist holy man.

Soon word spread that the fish was indeed a reincarnated bonze and hundreds flocked to the lake in an attempt to get a glimpse of it. So the big fish threatened to become a symbol of Buddhist protest, and a rallying point for dissident elements.

The province chief, a lieutenant in Diem’s political machine, decided the fish had to be disposed of. He sent American-trained special forces troops to kill it. But the big fish wouldn’t be killed, or so the story goes, and the government was losing face to a fish.

Ultimately, after hand grenades were lobbed at it, the big fish vanished. But people were convinced it wasn’t dead, or at worst was in the process of investing itself in yet another reincarnation.

Then, on June 11, a venerable Buddhist priest saturated himself with gasoline and set himself afire. The photograph of Thich Quang Duc burning to death horrified the Western world and brought the conflict between this nation’s ruling Catholic mandarins and its Buddhist majority into stark, clear focus.

Mme. Ngo Dinh Nhu, the president’s acid-tongued sister-in-law, then retired the trophy for free-style bad taste by declaring she would applaud if any more Buddhist priests “barbecued” themselves.

The English-language Times of Viet Nam is a shameless mouthpiece for Mme. Nhu. Scarcely an edition goes to press without a cloying account of her good works – or without a near-hysterical attack on American newsmen in Saigon.

Particular targets of this Nhu mouthpiece are United Press International and the New York Times. Headlines reading “UPI Lies, Lies, Lies!” are typical.

And when Mme. Nhu outraged Americans here by calling young U.S. officers here “soldiers of fortune,” the Times of Viet Nam ran a column-long account undertaking to explain that her words had been misinterpreted because of faulty translation. She immediately uttered another statement adding that some of our American soldiers were “saboteurs” as well.

The truth is that in South Viet Nam, the United States is involved with a feudal despotism as deadly and absolute as anything ever put together by the Borgias.

And the United States is paying dearly for its policy of trying to get along with the Diems at any cost - a policy that once moved former Ambassador Frederick Nolting to shout at me: “I’m not going to answer any such question” when the question itself was a wholly innocent one. I merely had inquired how long the United States was going to be able to stomach Diem and his kin.


If Starnes was beholden to Mme. Nhu, it was very well disguised, as the second piece confirms:

QUOTE
New York World-Telegram & Sun, 17 October 1963, p.21

So What’s Nhu?


Washington – Mme. Ngo Dinh Nhu’s one-woman roadshow played the Women’s National Press Club yesterday. The girl reporters lost.

The ladies of the WNPC, and slathers of male guests, arrived for the luncheon implacably determined to see that the diminutive First Lady of South Viet Nam got fair play. But by the time the charming torrent of half-truths, Oriental Goldwynisms and an occasional out-and-out whopper had subsided, Mme. Nhu had clearly demonstrated that she needed fair play the way the Borgia girls needed Fanny Farmer’s cookbook.

Example:

Question – Viet Nam’s secret police beat up three American reporters the other day. Why?

Answer (delivered sweetly, vox angelica in full cry): My people never beat anyone – especially Americans.

No civil rights proposal ever brought forth more artful filibustering than Mme. Nhu showed the girl scribes and their guests. The Dragon Lady stumbled just enough in her English (which is good, and which is deadly because she thinks in Vietnamese) to stimulate the juices that Americans traditionally secrete on behalf of the underdog. And by the time this witness discovered he’d been flummoxed, the underdog had bitten him through the ankle and gone scampering away.

Mme. Nhu skillfully disarmed the reporters in her brief and faintly poignant opening remarks.

She had, she said, been accused of calling the young American officers fighting (and once in a while dying) in Vietnam “soldiers of fortune.”

Almost tenderly, the lovely lady said it was her duty to place the true facts before the American press. She never made any such remark, she said, “But if I had made it – and indeed I never did – it was in the European sense of the word, where “little soldiers of fortune” actually means something like “self-made hero.”

Any flannel-mouthed American Throttlebottom could learn this technique from Mme. Nhu. In a bind over an ill-considered tirade? Make Noah Webster your co-defendant and wriggle off the hook.

In a real bad bind, like saying you’d applaud seeing more Buddhist priests “barbecue themselves”? Then, if you’re lucky enough to have one, play your real trump card. It was on this egregious bit of wantonly bas taste that Mme. Nhu was at her lovely, deadly best.

“My daughter,” she explained plaintively, “was in a snack bar where Americans gathered (at this point every eye in the room went to the fragile, beautiful 18-year-old Le Thuy, and all the males present promptly forgot what the question was), and she heard some Americans say that the way to stop the Buddhists from burning themselves was to ridicule them.

“So (now with big eyes and guilelessly) I tried to ridicule them by my barbecuing remark. I was the victim of bad American advice.”

What did Mme. Nhu think of Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge?

“To me (warily) he is more mysterious than an agent.”

When she was asked to explain previous statements that the American government is “too liberal,” Mme. Nhu deftly emphasized that she was talking about only a few members of the administration. “Liberals,” she instructed her audience, “are not red yet, but they are pink.”

In general, the toothsome sister-in-law of the President of Viet Nam kept her talons retracted. Sweet reason prevailed while she explained that the Communists are exploiting the Buddhists because they realize they are losing the war; that there is “absolutely” no religious persecution in South Viet Nam; that it did no good to “boo and hiss” her, but that she truly wanted Americans to like her and to tell her country “precisely” what is expected of it.

And in the end, dazzled by charm and reeling from dissembling, one witness left with the unshakable conviction that if ever South Viet Nam becomes the 51st state of the United States, Mme. Nhu is a cinch to become our first female President.
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (John Dolva @ Jun 21 2007, 01:26 AM) *


John,

Mme. Nhu undoubtedly was briefing any journo who would listen, the trouble was, not many of the American kind were, or could afford to, at least, not in 1963, hard on the heels of certain of her less diplomatic offerings.

Starnes wrote of her twice to my knowledge in October ’63, first while in Saigon, then when back in Washington. In chronological order:

QUOTE
New York World-Telegram & Sun, 3 October 1963, p.25

It’s A Dirty War


Saigon – A big fish that wouldn’t die…An old man who died badly in flaming gasoline…The world’s worst newspaper…Oriental despotism and intrigue…Guerilla war…Brave men…And money…lots and lots of good old United States dollars.

These are a few of the ingredients in the dirtiest little war American men have ever been required to fight.

The wonder is not that it is understood so poorly at home, but that there is any understanding at all. Yet it behooves the United States to try to make sense of it.

First, in spite of the dictatorial family rule of Viet Nam, the United States is going to keep on supporting it and trying to do business with it.

Second, and this may be the biggest point of all, no one has any assurance that 16,000 Americans now in Viet Nam, mostly military, are going to be enough. What would the decision be if Ho Chi Minh’s 400,000 regulars poured across the border from North Viet Nam to administer a death blow to President Ngo Dinh Diem’s shaky regime?

That would be Korea all over again, and it would demand the same hard decision: Fight a Korea-size war, or pull out ignominiously.

So let’s start with that fish story. Soon after Viet Nam’s Buddhist crisis erupted, a huge fish was seen in a lake in a northern province. Someone suggested it might be a reincarnation of a long-departed Buddhist holy man.

Soon word spread that the fish was indeed a reincarnated bonze and hundreds flocked to the lake in an attempt to get a glimpse of it. So the big fish threatened to become a symbol of Buddhist protest, and a rallying point for dissident elements.

The province chief, a lieutenant in Diem’s political machine, decided the fish had to be disposed of. He sent American-trained special forces troops to kill it. But the big fish wouldn’t be killed, or so the story goes, and the government was losing face to a fish.

Ultimately, after hand grenades were lobbed at it, the big fish vanished. But people were convinced it wasn’t dead, or at worst was in the process of investing itself in yet another reincarnation.

Then, on June 11, a venerable Buddhist priest saturated himself with gasoline and set himself afire. The photograph of Thich Quang Duc burning to death horrified the Western world and brought the conflict between this nation’s ruling Catholic mandarins and its Buddhist majority into stark, clear focus.

Mme. Ngo Dinh Nhu, the president’s acid-tongued sister-in-law, then retired the trophy for free-style bad taste by declaring she would applaud if any more Buddhist priests “barbecued” themselves.

The English-language Times of Viet Nam is a shameless mouthpiece for Mme. Nhu. Scarcely an edition goes to press without a cloying account of her good works – or without a near-hysterical attack on American newsmen in Saigon.

Particular targets of this Nhu mouthpiece are United Press International and the New York Times. Headlines reading “UPI Lies, Lies, Lies!” are typical.

And when Mme. Nhu outraged Americans here by calling young U.S. officers here “soldiers of fortune,” the Times of Viet Nam ran a column-long account undertaking to explain that her words had been misinterpreted because of faulty translation. She immediately uttered another statement adding that some of our American soldiers were “saboteurs” as well.

The truth is that in South Viet Nam, the United States is involved with a feudal despotism as deadly and absolute as anything ever put together by the Borgias.

And the United States is paying dearly for its policy of trying to get along with the Diems at any cost - a policy that once moved former Ambassador Frederick Nolting to shout at me: “I’m not going to answer any such question” when the question itself was a wholly innocent one. I merely had inquired how long the United States was going to be able to stomach Diem and his kin.


If Starnes was beholden to Mme. Nhu, it was very well disguised, as the second piece confirms:

QUOTE
New York World-Telegram & Sun, 17 October 1963, p.21

So What’s Nhu?


Washington – Mme. Ngo Dinh Nhu’s one-woman roadshow played the Women’s National Press Club yesterday. The girl reporters lost.

The ladies of the WNPC, and slathers of male guests, arrived for the luncheon implacably determined to see that the diminutive First Lady of South Viet Nam got fair play. But by the time the charming torrent of half-truths, Oriental Goldwynisms and an occasional out-and-out whopper had subsided, Mme. Nhu had clearly demonstrated that she needed fair play the way the Borgia girls needed Fanny Farmer’s cookbook.

Example:

Question – Viet Nam’s secret police beat up three American reporters the other day. Why?

Answer (delivered sweetly, vox angelica in full cry): My people never beat anyone – especially Americans.

No civil rights proposal ever brought forth more artful filibustering than Mme. Nhu showed the girl scribes and their guests. The Dragon Lady stumbled just enough in her English (which is good, and which is deadly because she thinks in Vietnamese) to stimulate the juices that Americans traditionally secrete on behalf of the underdog. And by the time this witness discovered he’d been flummoxed, the underdog had bitten him through the ankle and gone scampering away.

Mme. Nhu skillfully disarmed the reporters in her brief and faintly poignant opening remarks.

She had, she said, been accused of calling the young American officers fighting (and once in a while dying) in Vietnam “soldiers of fortune.”

Almost tenderly, the lovely lady said it was her duty to place the true facts before the American press. She never made any such remark, she said, “But if I had made it – and indeed I never did – it was in the European sense of the word, where “little soldiers of fortune” actually means something like “self-made hero.”

Any flannel-mouthed American Throttlebottom could learn this technique from Mme. Nhu. In a bind over an ill-considered tirade? Make Noah Webster your co-defendant and wriggle off the hook.

In a real bad bind, like saying you’d applaud seeing more Buddhist priests “barbecue themselves”? Then, if you’re lucky enough to have one, play your real trump card. It was on this egregious bit of wantonly bas taste that Mme. Nhu was at her lovely, deadly best.

“My daughter,” she explained plaintively, “was in a snack bar where Americans gathered (at this point every eye in the room went to the fragile, beautiful 18-year-old Le Thuy, and all the males present promptly forgot what the question was), and she heard some Americans say that the way to stop the Buddhists from burning themselves was to ridicule them.

“So (now with big eyes and guilelessly) I tried to ridicule them by my barbecuing remark. I was the victim of bad American advice.”

What did Mme. Nhu think of Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge?

“To me (warily) he is more mysterious than an agent.”

When she was asked to explain previous statements that the American government is “too liberal,” Mme. Nhu deftly emphasized that she was talking about only a few members of the administration. “Liberals,” she instructed her audience, “are not red yet, but they are pink.”

In general, the toothsome sister-in-law of the President of Viet Nam kept her talons retracted. Sweet reason prevailed while she explained that the Communists are exploiting the Buddhists because they realize they are losing the war; that there is “absolutely” no religious persecution in South Viet Nam; that it did no good to “boo and hiss” her, but that she truly wanted Americans to like her and to tell her country “precisely” what is expected of it.

And in the end, dazzled by charm and reeling from dissembling, one witness left with the unshakable conviction that if ever South Viet Nam becomes the 51st state of the United States, Mme. Nhu is a cinch to become our first female President.
Shanet Clark
Colleagues around the World:

Members should read the Richard Starnes article
(that member Paul Rigby posted last year .... at the head of this thread),

an article about the CIA in Vietnam
during the Henry Cabot Lodge days when the
head of mission was in conflict with the head of station.

........the article by R STARNES is a strong
primary document
of the period.



" I wasn't afraid of the vietnamese, I was afraid of the
guys in the black suits that arrived at the base in a helicopter
..........when they landed I knew one of us was gonna die! "

(quoting a West Virginia 1960s era IndoChina combat veteran)



It is also in the public record now that the Tonkin Bay
attacks on US forces were cooked up on site as pretexts by the
military and the agencies..........................best wishes
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Shanet Clark @ Jun 25 2007, 03:32 PM) *
........the article by R STARNES is a strong
primary document
of the period.


Thanks, Shanet, too true. And here's the editorial that went with it:

QUOTE
The Washington Daily News, 2 October 1963, p.32

What’s Wrong in South Viet Nam?


It is a brutally messed up state of affairs that our man, Richard Starnes, reports from South Viet Nam in his article on Page 3 today.

And the mess he has found isn’t Viet Namese. It is American, involving bitter strife among U.S. agencies – which may help explain the vast cost and lack of satisfactory progress in this operation to contain communist aggression.

The whole situation, as described by Mr. Starnes, must be shocking to Americans who believe we are engaged in a selfless crusade to protect democracy in this far-off land.

He has been told that:

• The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has flatly refused to carry out instructions from Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, frustrating a plan of action he took from Washington.

• Secret agents, or “spooks,” from CIA “have penetrated every branch of the American community in Saigon.” Who are we fighting there anyhow? The communists, or our own people?

• The CIA agents represent a tremendous power and are totally unaccountable to anyone. They dabble and interfere in military operations, to the frustration of our military officials.

The bitterness of other American agencies in Saigon toward the CIA, Starnes found, is “almost unbelievable.”

On the basis of this last statement alone, there is something terribly wrong with our system out there.

Defense Secretary McNamara, just back from an inspection trip to Viet Nam, gave the President a preliminary report on his findings at the White House this morning. Mr. McNamara is a tough man of decisive action. It may be assumed he now is in a position to assess the blame for this quarreling and back-biting inside the American family – whether it falls on the CIA or other agencies which accuse the CIA.

One way or the other, some official heads should roll.


Who knows, perhaps a professional American historian will pluck up the courage to ask Dick about what he saw and heard in Saigon. There must be one vertebrate among them!
John Dolva
Paul: "It is a brutally messed up state of affairs that our man, Richard Starnes, reports from South Viet Nam in his article on Page 3 today. And the mess he has found isn’t Viet Namese. It is American, involving bitter strife among U.S. agencies – which may help explain the vast cost and lack of satisfactory progress in this operation to contain communist aggression."

The whole situation, as described by Mr. Starnes, must be shocking to Americans who believe we are engaged in a selfless crusade to protect democracy in this far-off land.

He has been told that:

• The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has flatly refused to carry out instructions from Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, frustrating a plan of action he took from Washington.

• Secret agents, or “spooks,” from CIA “have penetrated every branch of the American community in Saigon.” Who are we fighting there anyhow? The communists, or our own people?

• The CIA agents represent a tremendous power and are totally unaccountable to anyone. They dabble and interfere in military operations, to the frustration of our military officials.

The bitterness of other American agencies in Saigon toward the CIA, Starnes found, is “almost unbelievable." ”


__________________________________________________

Assorted sources (key words: program pale horse)


"And I looked, and behold a pale horse: and his name that sat
on him was death, and hell followed with him".
Revelation 6:7

Operation Phoenix was modeled on Project Pale Horse--a CIA-funded "black op"... that used Navy SEALs and Green Berets in Vietnam to lead indigenous teams of killers in detaining, torturing and murdering grassroots political leaders, and anybody else that the U.S. high command disliked. According to congressional investigations of Phoenix in the early 1970s, Vietnamese mercenaries and U.S. special operations forces selectively terminated more than 21,000 South Vietnamese civilians--so-called terrorist suspects--during the war. (Vietnamese sources state the number is more than 40,000. Basically it was shoot fist and then label victin as VC.)

Most of the counterinsurgency Pathet Lao and VC infrastructure experts were in the "snuff and snatch" (assassination and kidnap) teams operating under the command (1962-1963) of John L. Lee, a CIA clandestine service field advisor, TDY (on loan) from the US Army.

A HALO-qualified Airborne Ranger and an "insurgent terrorist neutralization specialist," Lee had successfully trained, advised, and operationally commanded 3-5 man Black op "snuff and snatch" CIA counter-terror teams operating under the name of Project Pale Horse in the northeastern provinces of Laos between January 1962 and April 1963, when his "neutral civilian foreign aid worker" cover was compromised.

Project Pale Horse sidestepped the official U. S. Intelligence Coordination and Exploitation Program (ICEX), Lao, and GVN military chain of command, and had been running six years prior to the establishment of the "official" GVN Phoenix (Kế Hoạch Phụng Hoàng) program in Vietnam.

Lee's CIA Pale Horse counter-terror ops were so effective against advisors of the Soviet KGB First Chief Directorate, the Pathet Lao, and Red Chinese military advisors that the KGB director at the time, Vladimir Semichastniy, placed a $50,000 bounty in gold bullion for Lee's capture or confirmed assassination (allegedly referring to him as a "Pale Horse's Ass"). The bounty was rescinded after the fall of the Soviet Union.

Lee reported to William E. Colby from 1962 to 1963, and to John Richardson in 1963, respective CIA Chiefs of Station, Saigon Vietnam, CIA Director of Central Intelligence John McCone, Lt. Gen. Wm P. Yarborough, Cmdr. Special Warfare Center, Ft. Bragg, N.C.

Vietnam, in '82 Ex-Phoenix operative reveals that sometimes orders were given to kill U.S. military personnel* who were considered security risks. He suspects the orders came not from "division", but from a higher authority such as the CIA or the ONI. Covert Action Information Bulletin (now Covert Action Quarterly) summer 82 52.

Vietnam, 67-73 The Phoenix Program used the CIA's assassination squads, the former counter terror teams later called the provincial reconnaissance units (PRU). Technically they did not mark cadres for assassinations but in practice the pru's anticipated resistance in disputed areas and shot first. People taken prisoner were denounced in Saigon-held areas, picked up at checkpoints or captured in combat and later identified as VC. Sheehan, N. (1988), A Bright Shining Lie, 732.

Vietnam. Phung Hoang aka Phoenix Program quotas for units set by komer for all 242 districts. One result indiscriminate killing with every body labeled VCI. Powers, T. (1979), The Man Who Kept the Secrets, 181-2.


*Fragging by any other name smells just as foul...


_________



EDIT:: ps.

Spartacus: "Higgins was sent to Vietnam in 1953 where she reported the defeat of the French Army at Dien Bein Phu. During the fighting she narrowly escaped injury when while walking alongside the photographer, Robert Capa*, he was killed when he stepped on a land mine.

In 1955 she travelled extensively in the Soviet Union and afterwards published her book Red Plush and Black Bread (1955). This was followed by another book on journalism, News is a Singular Thing (1955).

Higgins also covered the civil war in the Congo.

Higgins made many visits to Vietnam and her book Our Vietnam Nightmare (1965), documented her concerns about United States military involvement in the region. While in Vietnam in 1965 she went down with leishmaniasis, a tropical disease. Marguerite Higgins was brought back to the United States but died on 3rd January, 1966. In recognition of her outstanding war reporting she was buried at Arlington National Cemetery"

*"..Hungarian-born photojournalist Robert Capa, in 1954, works for Life magazine."

"This is going to be a beautiful story," he said as he set out from the village of Nam Dinh, in Vietnam's Red River delta, on May 25, the last morning of his life. "I will be on my good behavior today. I will not insult my colleagues, and I will not once mention the excellence of my work." Eight hours — and 30 km — later, Capa was dead, killed by a landmine at Thai Binh, as he tried to get just that little bit closer."

John S: "It is rumored that Johnson was the lover of journalist Dickey Chapelle, who became the first American journalist to die in Vietnam when she stepped on a landmine on 4th January, 1965"
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (John Dolva @ Jun 26 2007, 01:44 PM) *
Assorted sources (key words: program pale horse)

"And I looked, and behold a pale horse: and his name that sat
on him was death, and hell followed with him".
Revelation 6:7

Operation Phoenix was modeled on Project Pale Horse--a CIA-funded "black op"... that used Navy SEALs and Green Berets in Vietnam to lead indigenous teams of killers in detaining, torturing and murdering grassroots political leaders, and anybody else that the U.S. high command disliked. According to congressional investigations of Phoenix in the early 1970s, Vietnamese mercenaries and U.S. special operations forces selectively terminated more than 21,000 South Vietnamese civilians--so-called terrorist suspects--during the war. (Vietnamese sources state the number is more than 40,000. Basically it was shoot fist and then label victin as VC.)

Most of the counterinsurgency Pathet Lao and VC infrastructure experts were in the "snuff and snatch" (assassination and kidnap) teams operating under the command (1962-1963) of John L. Lee, a CIA clandestine service field advisor, TDY (on loan) from the US Army.

A HALO-qualified Airborne Ranger and an "insurgent terrorist neutralization specialist," Lee had successfully trained, advised, and operationally commanded 3-5 man Black op "snuff and snatch" CIA counter-terror teams operating under the name of Project Pale Horse in the northeastern provinces of Laos between January 1962 and April 1963, when his "neutral civilian foreign aid worker" cover was compromised.

Project Pale Horse sidestepped the official U. S. Intelligence Coordination and Exploitation Program (ICEX), Lao, and GVN military chain of command, and had been running six years prior to the establishment of the "official" GVN Phoenix (Kế Hoạch Phụng Hoàng) program in Vietnam.

Lee's CIA Pale Horse counter-terror ops were so effective against advisors of the Soviet KGB First Chief Directorate, the Pathet Lao, and Red Chinese military advisors that the KGB director at the time, Vladimir Semichastniy, placed a $50,000 bounty in gold bullion for Lee's capture or confirmed assassination (allegedly referring to him as a "Pale Horse's Ass"). The bounty was rescinded after the fall of the Soviet Union.

Lee reported to William E. Colby from 1962 to 1963, and to John Richardson in 1963, respective CIA Chiefs of Station, Saigon Vietnam, CIA Director of Central Intelligence John McCone, Lt. Gen. Wm P. Yarborough, Cmdr. Special Warfare Center, Ft. Bragg, N.C.

Vietnam, in '82 Ex-Phoenix operative reveals that sometimes orders were given to kill U.S. military personnel* who were considered security risks. He suspects the orders came not from "division", but from a higher authority such as the CIA or the ONI. Covert Action Information Bulletin (now Covert Action Quarterly) summer 82 52.

Vietnam, 67-73 The Phoenix Program used the CIA's assassination squads, the former counter terror teams later called the provincial reconnaissance units (PRU). Technically they did not mark cadres for assassinations but in practice the pru's anticipated resistance in disputed areas and shot first. People taken prisoner were denounced in Saigon-held areas, picked up at checkpoints or captured in combat and later identified as VC. Sheehan, N. (1988), A Bright Shining Lie, 732.

Vietnam. Phung Hoang aka Phoenix Program quotas for units set by komer for all 242 districts. One result indiscriminate killing with every body labeled VCI. Powers, T. (1979), The Man Who Kept the Secrets, 181-2.


*Fragging by any other name smells just as foul...


Excellent post, John, with the material on Lee entirely new to me, and of precisely the kind I've been looking for. (Will become evident why in future post.) Would be obliged if you could furnish the source(s) of this.

Paul
Shanet Clark
Thanks for confirming with footnoted accuracy the claim I made above,
about the CIA killing US military personnel.....................



QUOTE (John Dolva @ Jun 26 2007, 01:44 PM) *
Paul: [color=#8B0000]"v
Lee reported to William E. Colby from 1962 to 1963, and to John Richardson in 1963, respective CIA Chiefs of Station, Saigon Vietnam, CIA Director of Central Intelligence John McCone, Lt. Gen. Wm P. Yarborough, Cmdr. Special Warfare Center, Ft. Bragg, N.C.

Vietnam, in '82 Ex-Phoenix operative reveals
that sometimes orders were given to kill U.S. military personnel*
who were considered security risks.

He suspects the orders came not from "division", but from a higher authority such as the CIA or the ONI.
Covert Action Information Bulletin (now Covert Action Quarterly) summer 82 52.

Vietnam, 67-73 The Phoenix Program used the CIA's assassination squads, the former counter terror teams later called the provincial reconnaissance units (PRU).


your tax dollars at work
John Dolva
Paul, I was surprised to come across 'Program Pale Horse' as well during searching for OP Phoenix info and Ho Chih Minh some weeks ago. A search using Yahoo yielded that from a few sources, primarily Answers.com.

The trigger that reminded me of it was the post by Shanet: "I wasn't afraid of the vietnamese, I was afraid of the guys in the black suits that arrived at the base in a helicopter...when they landed I knew one of us was gonna die! " and your post that followed.

Further research on it is needed. Pick appropriate keywords and names. I posted that initial stuff to see whether others can elaborate.
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (John Dolva @ Jun 27 2007, 02:26 AM) *
Paul, I was surprised to come across 'Program Pale Horse' as well during searching for OP Phoenix info and Ho Chih Minh some weeks ago. A search using Yahoo yielded that from a few sources, primarily Answers.com.

The trigger that reminded me of it was the post by Shanet: "I wasn't afraid of the vietnamese, I was afraid of the guys in the black suits that arrived at the base in a helicopter...when they landed I knew one of us was gonna die! " and your post that followed.

Further research on it is needed. Pick appropriate keywords and names. I posted that initial stuff to see whether others can elaborate.


Many thanks for that, I'll try what you recommend. By way of reciprocating, here's one early glimpse of CIA pseudo-gangs, under Special Forces direction, in mainstream US media:

QUOTE
PETER WORTHINGTON, “Vietnam: School for U.S. Guerillas,” The Nation, 2 March 1963, pp.179-180: p.180:

“U.S. Special Force commandos – the hush-hush branch of the Army – are in isolated villages and deep in rebel-dominated territory. They are taking a page from Communist tactics and organizing resistance movements and spreading propaganda and terrorism. These young specialists are linguists, politically indoctrinated, and are armed with funds for bribing support. They are prepared to kill and terrorize on their own to defeat the enemy.”


Paul
John Dolva
Paul, I trust you don't see me as being 'difficult'. There's often stuff one comes across that isn't directly connected with a particular thread of research and if it is, at the moment how and what it means is not clear and so: just 'filed away'. One thing that occured to me when coming across "Program Pale Horse" was that it was during Kennedy's presidency and I wanted to explore it further as it struck me as something he wouldn't approve of. It remained 'filed away' until yours and Shanet's postings when it struck me that perhaps others could make some connections I'm not privy to. I'm going down a different, though perhaps parallell track, and will try to keep abreast of anything further here and contribute where something occurs without judging for myself whether it is significant or not. You and others who are focusing on this issue are better placed to make connections than me. Interesting topic. One thing of particular interest is (to me) is the issue of 'fragging' and whether some of it can be seen as agency sanctioned. Similarly, froma Civil Rights issue and RFK's comment re Blacks dying while others avoid the draft and the issue of chains of command and 'going point' during ops from a civil rights perspective. Ditto, supply of drugs to make the whole mess bearable to those on point and the teatment and implied treatment of whistleblowers around issues such as My Lai.(Pinkville)


http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/f...i/Myl_hero.html
"Then something just sunk into me that these people were marched into that ditch and murdered. That was the only explanation that I could come up with."

"Taking the child to the hospital was a day I'll never forget. It was a very sad day, very mad day, very frustrated and everything. So later in the afternoon, (this was brought up when everything hit and became public during interrogations, the Department of the Army IG was asking me about the incident and I had totally blocked it out of my mind. I had no idea what this guy was questioning me for), after the mission that day, I went back to our operations area, which is over in LC Dottie and I was very upset. I was very mad."

"I reported to my platoon leader. He said let's go see the operations officer. In turn we went to our commander and the words were said for me that day that, you know, dean this up. "If this damn stuff is what's happening here," I told him, "You can take these wings right now 'cause they're only sewn on with thread." I was ready to quit flying....My commander was very interested. Within a day or so--- I don't think it was that day, it was probably the next day--- we were called up to the command bunker at LC Dottie and everybody gave their statements."

"This was a full colonel (a full colonel is next to a general); that means he can walk on water. He was very interested it seemed; I remember him taking notes and that was it, I do believe...I guess I assumed something was being done. It wasn't a colonel's position to come down to a Wl and inform him of his investigation, that just was unheard of.

It seemed like it was just dropped after that."
__________

"I believe too...there was a cover-up ... I can see where four or five people get killed, something like that. But that was nothing like that, it was no accident whatsoever. Pure premeditated murder."

" Well, in that four months I guess I witnessed those sorts of events about six times, six or seven times. We would identify somebody just as Hugh had."

"We'd say, OK, here's somebody who is looking suspicious or whatever. And some infantrymen would walk up to him and just shoot him. I mean, no provocation...I'm talking about murder. I'm talking about somebody walking right up, pointing a gun and, without provocation, pulling the trigger...."

" So I had gone down to the division historical section where they keep an account of all the battles and everything, the official history of the division."

"There I found the official report that had been released to the press, reporting the battle(???) at My Lai, in which it was reported, I believe, that a hundred twenty-eight people had been killed---a hundred twenty-eight VC had been killed with force, as it was reported." The truth appears to be that it was between four and five hundred unarmed children, women, elderly, and men. who were massacered in a sanction operation.

"The one thing I needed that I didn't have was somebody who had been there, who was a witness and who had not participated. I didn't have any reason necessarily to believe my friends wouldn't be honest when they were asked about it. On the other hand, they had participated in this terrible crime and maybe they wouldn't. So I felt I needed somebody that I could count on and I knew of such a man, his name was Michael Bernhardt. But he was still out in the field; I could never find him because he was simply never available." "

" The reason he was never available is that Captain Medina...knew that he was a potential troublesome person and threatened him. He said "Bernhardt, you better keep your mouth shut about this, buddy." And Mike said, "Yes, sir." He stayed out in the field; they wouldn't let him out of the field. He tried to transfer into the LRRP company They wouldn't let him. He tried to transfer every place, they wouldn't let him."

"Every time they thought an ambush was coming, they'd send him up to the front of the line, where they thought the ambush was gonna be. He walked point in all the dangerous places and in the last four months he got jungle rot so bad, he could barely walk and they wouldn't let him out of the field."

"The My Lai story is one of heroes as well villains. One such hero is Hugh Thompson, Jr., a helicopter reconnaissance pilot who came upon the My Lai massacre in progress. Chief My Lai prosecutor William Eckhardt described how Thompson responded to what he found when he put his helicopter down: "[Thompson] put his guns on Americans, said he would shoot them if they shot another Vietnamese, had his people wade in the ditch in gore to their knees, to their hips, took out children, took them to the hospital...flew back [to headquarters], standing in front of people, tears rolling down his cheeks, pounding on the table saying, 'Notice, notice, notice'...then had the courage to testify time after time after time." "


So theres not only the sanctioned killings, there's also the treatment meted out to potential 'troublemakers' in the US military.
Paul Rigby
QUOTE
Cliff Varnell wrote:

For what it's worth:

An old girl friend of mine is the daughter of a Diem secret police officer. She was 13 at the time of the coup. She's Buddhist, and insists that the Buddhist uprising against Diem in '63 was manufactured by the CIA.
Another post I meant to come back to and forgot about! Still, late, but in earnest, to borrow the Salisbury motto.

Here's three excerpts that shed some light on well-founded suspicions:

QUOTE
TOM BOWER. The Perfect English Spy: Sir Dick White and the Secret War 1935-1990 (London: William Heinemann, 1995) , p.226: “Historically, SIS’s expertise in south-east Asia was superior to the CIA’s. From Bangkok, SIS had financed pro-Western candidates in the Laos elections in 1954, effectively forestalling communist victory, and was attempting similar tactics with the Buddhists in Vietnam.”

MALCOLM W. BROWNE. The New Face of War (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1968 edition), p. 269: “A very few of the Vietnamese monks are extremely well-educated by any standard. Some have studied in Japan, India and even the United States. The venerable Thich Quang Lien, one of the younger monks, holds a degree from Yale University.”

BERNARD FALL. Anatomy of a Crisis: The Laotian Crisis of 1960-61 (NY: Doubleday & Co., Inc, 1969), p. 241, n. 23: “Many Bonzes were sent for advanced Buddhist training to India and Burma; some of them at United States expense and others at the expense of an American private foundation. When they returned to Laos, some of them were found to have acquired a solid foundation of Marxism in addition to that of Buddhist texts, while others used their newly acquired English-language capability to go into more lucrative businesses than that of serving their religion.”
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Cliff Varnell @ Aug 2 2006, 01:03 PM) *
Paul, have you come across anything in your research to indicate that Diem was secretly negotiating with Ho, and might that have played a part in Harriman coming around to the coup?


One very neglected thread of JFK's search for a way out of Vietnam is that leading through London. Traces are rare - I've found them so, anyway - but they exist. Here's two:

QUOTE
Hilaire Du Berrier. Background To Betrayal: The Tragedy Of Vietnam (Mass.: Western Islands, 1965), p. 238: "Through the labor unions of Western Europe and a London group headed by a certain Labor member of Parliament *, Hanoi was kept informed of the Kennedy team's groping for a way out."

"Today's World Report: Truce Moves Reported In Viet Nam," New York World-Telegram & Sun, (Friday), 25 October 1963, p.6: "LONDON - The government of South Vietnam and Communist North Viet Nam are apparently making exploratory contacts that could lead to a truce, diplomatic sources said. There was no official confirmation…Diplomatic sources said the current moves were believed to be aiming at some sort of truce arrangement with possible wider ramifications."


*My best guess, and it is no more than a guess, would be Philip Noel-Baker. For more on his background, see the following links:

http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/PRnoelbaker.htm

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_Noel-B...aron_Noel-Baker
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Jul 1 2007, 10:55 PM) *
One very neglected thread of JFK's search for a way out of Vietnam is that leading through London. Traces are rare - I've found them so, anyway - but they exist. Here's two:

Hilaire Du Berrier. Background To Betrayal: The Tragedy Of Vietnam (Mass.: Western Islands, 1965), p. 238: "Through the labor unions of Western Europe and a London group headed by a certain Labor member of Parliament *, Hanoi was kept informed of the Kennedy team's groping for a way out."

"Today's World Report: Truce Moves Reported In Viet Nam," New York World-Telegram & Sun, (Friday), 25 October 1963, p.6: "LONDON - The government of South Vietnam and Communist North Viet Nam are apparently making exploratory contacts that could lead to a truce, diplomatic sources said. There was no official confirmation…Diplomatic sources said the current moves were believed to be aiming at some sort of truce arrangement with possible wider ramifications."

*My best guess, and it is no more than a guess, would be Philip Noel-Baker. For more on his background, see the following links:

http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/PRnoelbaker.htm

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_Noel-B...aron_Noel-Baker


David J. Whittaker. Fighter for Peace: Philip Noel-Baker, 1889-1982 (York, England: William Sessions Ltd., 1989), pp.312-315:

Noel-Baker “circled the globe in 1962, visiting Canada, the USA, Moscow and…Peking, Hong Kong, and Tokyo…By the summer of 1965…a letter to The Times…lamented the way in which the American President seemed influenced by military advisers and the CIA*…”

*Philip Noel-Baker, “Letter to the Editor: An Authority Diminished – President Johnson’s Policies,” The Times, Monday, 19 July 1965, p.11. The CIA used a favoured creature of the period, Peter Bessell, to reply in The Times to Noel-Baker. Bessell’s letter appeared on 21 July 1965.
Paul Rigby
Unwitting dupe, quite probably due to premature senescence.
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Jul 16 2007, 11:11 PM) *
David J. Whittaker. Fighter for Peace: Philip Noel-Baker, 1889-1982 (York, England: William Sessions Ltd., 1989), pp.312-315:

Noel-Baker “circled the globe in 1962, visiting Canada, the USA, Moscow and…Peking, Hong Kong, and Tokyo…By the summer of 1965…a letter to The Times…lamented the way in which the American President seemed influenced by military advisers and the CIA*…”

*Philip Noel-Baker, “Letter to the Editor: An Authority Diminished – President Johnson’s Policies,” The Times, Monday, 19 July 1965, p.11. The CIA used a favoured creature of the period, Peter Bessell, to reply in The Times to Noel-Baker. Bessell’s letter appeared on 21 July 1965.


Here is the letter from PNB in question:

QUOTE
Philip Noel-Baker, “Letter to the Editor: An Authority Diminished – President Johnson’s Policies,” The Times, Monday, 19 July 1965, p.11:

Sir, - In President Johnson’s first major speech after he entered the White House he said to the United Nations General Assembly –

“We are more then ever committed to the rule of law – in our land and around the world. We believe more than ever in the rights of man, all men of every colour – in our land and around the world. And more than ever we support the United Nations…”

In 16 months in office President Johnson fulfilled the first part of his programme. By March 1965, he had secured the legislation needed to wipe out poverty and illiteracy in the United States.

He had subdued those who sought to destroy his policy by lawless violence; he had brought their arbitrary personal behaviour under the rule of United States law. He crowned his victory with an address to Congress on March 17 which will rank among the greatest speeches ever made.

On April 7 he made an oration at Johns Hopkins University of equal nobility. He offered unconditional discussions on Vietnam, and he said: -

“We dream of a world where disputes are settled by law and reason…The guns and the bombs, the rockets and warships, are all symbols of human failure.”

On April 8 it seemed that these ambitions might be fulfilled. The President had almost achieved a world “consensus” for a policy of peace, disarmament and reconciliation. No man’s prestige had ever stood so high. Hanoi gave, if not a positive, at least a negotiable, answer to his invitation to unconditional talks. For four whole days Peking hesitated to say “No.”

Three months later, this world “consensus” had been destroyed. The President’s authority is much diminished. To many people his pledge to the United Nations sounds hypocritical and false.

This is a disaster for the President and for the whole world. What happened?

It has happened because he took advice that peace could be obtained by the ruthless use of military power. This advice has proved completely wrong.*

1. The bombing which began on February 7 was intended to stop Hanoi’s help to the guerrillas and to weaken the Vietcong. But in June Mr. McNamara told us that since February 7 the Vietcong strength had increased by 35 per cent and that Hanoi’s help had correspondingly increased.

2. The United States White Paper of February 18 was intended to prove that the conflict in Vietnam was not a civil war, but Charter-breaking aggression by the “sovereign state” of North Vietnam against its “sovereign” neighbour, South Vietnam. No one in the West accepted the argument of this naïve document; its own figures showed that 80 per cent of the Vietcong were South Vietnamese; while its contention about “sovereignty” was in flagrant contradiction of the Geneva pledges (including United States pledges) of 1954. It only served to convince Hanoi that the United States desired the permanent partition of Vietnam on ideological grounds, as Stalin partitioned Germany in 1945.

3. The speech of April 7 was swiftly followed by the United States occupation of San Domingo. This must have seemed to the Vietcong, Hanoi and Peking to prove that President Johnson’s pledges about the rule of law were insincere.

4. Not less important than these events have been the views expressed, in public and in private, by men who are known to be the President’s principal advisers in foreign affairs. A careful reading of the messages you receive from your Washington Correspondent leaves the impression that these advisers believe only in the efficacy of military power, and not at all in the efficacy of the principles and institutions of the United Nations.

President Johnson is Commander-in-Chief of the most powerful military forces in history. He still has immense potential political prestige. He has unrivalled political and parliamentary skill. He can become, not only the greatest President of the United States, but the greatest statesman in history, if he uses his authority to bring the world to peaceful co-existence, to disarm its national forces, and to demilitarize the thinking of its governments.

He has the best opportunity which there has ever been to do these things. But he can only do them if, in his foreign policy, he ceases to act on the principles of power-politics and the advice of the Central Intelligence Agency, and if, instead, he acts on the principles which have brought him such unparalleled success in home affairs.

Yours, &c.,

Philip Noel-Baker,
House of Commons, July 16.


Hard to imagine a letter of comparable literacy or courage emanating from a parliamentary drone of “New Labour.” Or Mockingbird Murdoch’s tabloid Times publishing it.

*Eerily familiar. Iraq, Afghanistan anyone?
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Jul 18 2007, 05:53 PM) *
Philip Noel-Baker, “Letter to the Editor: An Authority Diminished – President Johnson’s Policies,” The Times, Monday, 19 July 1965, p.11:

The United States White Paper of February 18 was intended to prove that the conflict in Vietnam was not a civil war, but Charter-breaking aggression by the “sovereign state” of North Vietnam against its “sovereign” neighbour, South Vietnam. No one in the West accepted the argument of this naïve document; its own figures showed that 80 per cent of the Vietcong were South Vietnamese; while its contention about “sovereignty” was in flagrant contradiction of the Geneva pledges (including United States pledges) of 1954. It only served to convince Hanoi that the United States desired the permanent partition of Vietnam on ideological grounds, as Stalin partitioned Germany in 1945.


Richard Starnes’s first extended analysis of the State Dept White Paper referred to by Noel-Baker in his Times letter:

QUOTE
Washington Daily News, 12 March 1965, p.31

A Flimsy Paper


As it has done in every war it has ever fought, the United States is busily constructing a superstructure of legality and rectitude around its true aims and motives in South Viet Nam.

The State Department’s White Paper on Viet Nam is a key element in this attempt. Its distortions and omissions suggest that the verdict of history will be to reject it as crude propaganda.

The White Paper, entitled “Aggression from the North,” purports to prove that the war in South Viet Nam is not a civil war but instead is a product of “flagrant aggression” by North Viet Nam and, by implication, Communist China. It is a curiously plaintive document; worthless as history, unconvincing as evidence, questionable in its basic morality.

As shaky as was the previous American stance (“we are in South Viet Nam at the invitation of a legally ordained government”), it was far more tenable than the White Paper’s attempt to justify the approaching full-scale war in Southeast Asia. The State Department fails to prove what it sets out to prove, and in failing it reveals a great deal.

Reliable estimates of the total number of Viet Cong guerillas operating in South Viet Nam do not exist. The anonymous authors of the State Department’s White Paper content themselves with the so-called “hard core” Viet Cong cadres “trained in the North.” After a virtuoso display of numbermanship, the authors conclude that:

“…Since 1959, nearly 20, 000 VC officers, soldiers and technicians are known to have entered South Viet Nam under orders from Hanoi. Additional information indicates that an estimated 17,000 more infiltrators were dispatched to the South by the regime in Hanoi during the past six years. It can reasonably be assumed that still other infiltration groups have entered the South for which there is no evidence yet available.”

There are a number of remarkable things about this specimen extract from the White Paper. It suggests there is proof that 20, 000 VC have trickled in from the North; “additional information” that 17, 000 more did likewise; and the apparently baseless assumption that there must be more for which there is no evidence or information can be found. The State Department, moreover, missed the irony that is to be had by re-constructing the paragraph as follows:

“Since 1956, nearly 30, 000 U.S. officers, soldiers and technicians are known to have entered South Viet Nam under orders from Washington. Additional information indicates that an unknown number of CIA infiltrators were dispatched during the same period.”

The patriotic response here, of course, is to assert that we are there as the bidden guests of a legal government, and the VC are not. But the blunt reality is that the South Vietnamese Liberation Front (the Viet Cong) has at least as much popular support and legitimacy as the revolving door Saigon governments installed by the United States.

The VC runs schools in the portions of South Viet Nam under its control, it lays taxes, runs social services of sorts, and obviously enjoys a measure of broadly based support that is not available to Saigon. It is not enough to say that this support is based on terror, for if terror maintained governments, Mme. Nhu and her talking puppets of fragrant memory would still be in power.

Apart from these considerations, the White Paper falls short of proving massive North Vietnamese intervention. It cites 25 case histories of what it supposes to be typical VC infiltrators, but of these 16 are South Vietnamese in origin, and in any event 25 is thin evidence on which to base 19,550 “confirmed” infiltrators and some 17,000-plus “estimated” in addition.

As to weapons supplied by communist sources outside Viet Nam, the White Paper again is long on conclusions but woefully short on evidence. In its tables can be counted fewer than two dozen crew-served weapons captured up to Jan. 29, 1964. The truth is that the bulk of VC weapons, both crew-served and light, are obtained by capture from Army of South Viet Nam units armed by the U. S. It is generally conceded that 80 per cent of VC weapons are form this source.

Finally, the White Paper cites a report of the International Control Commission which condemned Hanoi for meddling in South Viet Nam. Unfortunately for the credibility of the White Paper, however, it did not cite a section of the same report which criticized the U.S and South Viet Nam for violating the 1954 Geneva Accord.
Paul Rigby
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Jul 18 2007, 05:53 PM) *
He has the best opportunity which there has ever been to do these things. But he can only do them if, in his foreign policy, he ceases to act on the principles of power-politics and the advice of the Central Intelligence Agency, and if, instead, he acts on the principles which have brought him such unparalleled success in home affairs.

Yours, &c.,

Philip Noel-Baker,
House of Commons, July 16.


Noel-Baker's view on who - or rather, what - was running US foreign policy in 1965 was hardly unique. Here's a similar point of view from the same year:

QUOTE
Ronald Segal, “FBI, KKK, CIA,” New Statesman, 3 September 1965, p.324:

Review of 3 books:
1) Fred Cook. The FBI Nobody Knows (Cape, 30s);
2) William Randel. The Ku Klux Klan (Hamish Hamilton, 30s);
3) Wise & Ross. The Invisible Government (Cape, 30s)

Writing of Wise & Ross’ book, Segal observes: “America, indeed, is dangerously near conducting international relations through a secret police all but completely independent of elected authority.”
Cliff Varnell
QUOTE (Paul Rigby @ Jul 16 2007, 03:11 PM) *
"Today's World Report: Truce Moves Reported In Viet Nam," New York World-Telegram & Sun, (Friday), 25 October 1963, p.6: "LONDON - The government of South Vietnam and Communist North Viet Nam are apparently making exploratory contacts that could lead to a truce, diplomatic sources said. There was no official confirmation…Diplomatic sources said the current moves were believed to be aiming at some sort of truce arrangement with possible wider ramifications."


Paul, thanks for digging this out!

My friend Kim told me it was an article of faith in her family that
Kennedy ordered the overthrow of Diem in order to prevent
reconciliation talks between Diem and Ho.

They were right about everything but the perp: WA Harriman.
Paul Rigby
"Today's World Report: Truce Moves Reported In Viet Nam," New York World-Telegram & Sun, (Friday), 25 October 1963, p.6: "LONDON - The government of South Vietnam and Communist North Viet Nam are apparently making exploratory contacts that could lead to a truce, diplomatic sources said. There was no official confirmation…Diplomatic sources said the current moves were believed to be aiming at some sort of truce arrangement with possible wider ramifications."

QUOTE (Cliff Varnell @ Jul 18 2007, 08:58 PM) *
Paul, thanks for digging this out!

My friend Kim told me it was an article of faith in her family that
Kennedy ordered the overthrow of Diem in order to prevent
reconciliation talks between Diem and Ho.

They were right about everything but the perp: WA Harriman.


Unconvinced, Cliff - you mean all those CIA guys masquerading as journos and cameramen at the storming of the Presidential palace were...Kennedy loyalists? I'm trying hard to convince myself, but, no, it just isn't working!

QUOTE
Hilaire Du Berrier. Background To Betrayal: The Tragedy Of Vietnam (Mass.: Western Islands, 1965), p. 254:

"[T]he storming of the palace was an affair that the young hot-heads of USIS and CIA should have stayed out of…European papers told of American "advisers" entering Gia Long Palace with the first wave of troops: young Americans in civilian clothes, wearing baseball caps and talking incessantly into walkie-talkies as they moved from one unit to another among the attacking forces. Correspondents wrote of American "photographers" whom they had never seen before and who did not use their cameras, accompanying each advancing wave."
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